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Abstract

The transition to organised politics presupposes the existence of many social changes conducive to its initial growth. The individual influence of these social changes may not be large, but collectively they may well have a considerable effect on political activity. Thus the population begins to be socially mobilised through changes in various areas of social life which ‘singly, and even more in their cumulative impact … tend to influence and sometimes to transform political behaviour.’1 The immediate result is a higher level of political awareness, which is increased by improved transportation and communications. This in turn serves to emphasise political and social inequalities. The sense of injustice aroused by inequality translates itself into pressures for political reform which the existing system is likely to find impossible to meet. The eventual outcome is an extension of political participation by all sections of the population and a need for organised groups to structure and exploit this growing mass involvement.

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Notes

  1. Karl W. Deutsch, ‘Social Mobilisation and Political Development’, American Political Science Review, 55:3 (1961) p. 493.

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  2. The main themes of this chapter are also examined in Ian McAllister, ‘Political Parties and Social Change in Northern Ireland: the Case of the SDLP’, Social Studies, 5:1 (1976) pp. 75–89.

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  3. W. G. Runciman, Relative Deprivation and Social Justice, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966) p. 11.

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  4. For succinct collations of evidence, see Campaign for Social Justice, The Plain Truth, (Dungannon: Campaign for Social Justice, 1969).

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  5. Ambrose MacAuley, ‘Catholics in the North, 1870–1970’ Newman Review, 2:1 (1970) pp. 21–32.

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  7. For more objective disseminations of the evidence, see Richard Rose, Governing Without Consensus, (London: Faber, 1971).

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  8. Gerard Francis Rutan, ‘Northern Ireland Under Ulster Unionist Home Rule: the Anti-Movement Political System, 1920–63’ (Carolina: unpublished University of North Carolina PhD dissertation, 1964) chs. 5–11.

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  9. For an analysis of how Protestants reacted to Catholic allegations of discrimination, see Sarah Nelson, ‘Protestant “Ideology” Considered: the Case of “Discrimination”’ in Ivor Crewe (ed.), British Political Sociology Yearbook, vol. 2 (London: Croom Helm, 1975).

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  10. Cited in Claude Mertens, ‘Report on Civil and Social Rights in Northern Ireland’, Human Rights Journal, 2:3 (1969) p. 514.

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  11. Cited in Martin Wallace, Northern Ireland: Fifty Years of Self Government, (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1971) p. 117.

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  13. Cited in Derek Birrell, ‘Relative Deprivation as a Factor in Conflict in Northern Ireland’, Sociological Review, 20:3 (new series) (1972) pp. 317–43.

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  17. See Cornelius O’Leary, ‘The Catholic in Politics’, Christus Rex, 17:4 (1963) p. 289 et seq.

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© 1977 Ian McAllister

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McAllister, I. (1977). Social Mobilisation. In: The Northern Ireland Social Democratic and Labour Party. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-03470-3_1

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