Advertisement

Abstract

The Byronic hero is everywhere. From the autonomous assassin in recent instalments of the James Bond franchise to the stylish vampires that proliferate in popular fiction and on screen, this figure has captured the imagination of generations of readers and viewers.3 The first Byronic hero, and a blueprint for the rest, became an overnight sensation in March 1812, when Cantos I and II of Lord Byron’s Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage were published and sold out within three days.4 Successive poems showcasing a spiritually isolated superman secured the literary fame and longevity of this Romantic poet and the legendary figure that bears his name. The Byronic hero remains, some 200 years after Byron became a bestselling poet, ‘an unprecedented cultural phenomenon’.5 His presence persists, for instance, in the immensely successful Twilight and Fifty Shades series, fantasy romances that reinscribe our fascination with a damaged and damaging anti-hero — a seductive outsider who is superior in suffering, sinfulness, subversions, and perversions — as encountered by an inexperienced, yet curious, young woman.6 That girlish innocence can triumph over manly experience through the redemptive power of love constitutes the staple ingredient in countless Regency romances and Mills and Boon novels. This gendered formula for fiction appears in the following ‘tip sheet’ for writing mass-market contemporary romance: ‘The hero is 8 to 12 years older than the heroine.

Keywords

Romantic Period Ambivalent Sexuality Woman Writer Female Author Romantic Poet 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Stanzas on the Death of Lord Byron, ll. 29–30, 34, in Aurora Leigh and Other Poems, ed. by John Robert Glorney Bolton and Julia Bolton Holloway (London: Penguin, 1995). Subsequent line references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  2. 4.
    Of this defining moment, Byron famously proclaimed, ‘I awoke one morning and found myself famous’. Byron’s celebrity has been the subject of recent studies, including Ghislaine McDayter, Byromania and the Birth of Celebrity Culture (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2009), andGoogle Scholar
  3. Tom Mole, Byron’s Romantic Celebrity: Industrial Culture and the Hermeneutic of Intimacy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2007).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. 5.
    Andrew Elfenbein, Byron and the Victorians (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995), p. 8.Google Scholar
  5. 6.
    Twilight is a series of four vampire fantasy novels, written by Stephenie Meyer, and published between 2005 and 2008. Film versions of the novels, The Twilight Saga, were released between 2008 and 2012. The Fifty Shades trilogy, written by E. L. James, was published in 2011–12, with a film version of the first novel released in 2015. The Byronic hero is not only evident in contemporary fan fiction. A Byronic subtext emerges in J. M. Coetzee’s Disgrace (1999), the Booker Prize winning novel about racial politics in South Africa, for instance. See Jonathan Gross, ‘“I have a penchant for black”: Race and Orphic Dismemberment in Byron’s The Deformed Transformed and J. M. Coetzee’s Disgrace’, in Byron and the Politics of Freedom and Terror, ed. by Matthew J. A. Green and Piya Pal-Lapinski (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), pp. 167–81.Google Scholar
  6. 7.
    Cited in Deborah Kaplan, ‘Mass Marketing Jane Austen: Men, Women, and Courtship in Two Film Adaptations’, in Jane Austen in Hollywood, ed. by Linda Troost and Sayre Greenfield, 2nd edn (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 2001), pp. 177–87 (p. 176).Google Scholar
  7. 8.
    Of Barbara Cartland, the ‘literary magpie’, Roger Sales states: ‘although her heroes may well have tinges of Byron about them, they also resemble other heroes from a wide range of other texts’. The heroes of popular romance often lack the self-scrutiny and wit of Byron’s protagonists and their more memorable literary offspring. See Sales, ‘The Loathsome Lord and the Disdainful Dame: Byron, Cartland and the Regency Romantic’, in Byromania: Portraits of the Artist in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Culture, ed. by Frances Wilson (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), pp. 166–83 (p. 179).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. 9.
    Drawn from Milton’s Satan and distilled through the Gothic villain and the Marquis de Sade, Byron realised the rebel ‘type’ and made ‘vampirism’ fashionable. See Mario Praz, The Romantic Agony, 2nd edn, trans. by Angus Davidson (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1951), p. 77.Google Scholar
  9. 10.
    The Diary of Virginia Woolf, ed. by Anne Olivier Bell with Andrew McNellie, 5 vols (London: Hogarth Press, 1977–84), III, p. 288;Google Scholar
  10. The Essays of Virginia Woolf, ed. by Andrew McNellie, 4 vols (London: Hogarth Press, 1986–94), III, p. 482. For a more extensive discussion of Woolf’s literary regard for Byron and Byronism, seeGoogle Scholar
  11. Julia Briggs, ‘Reading People, Reading Texts: “Byron and Mr Briggs”’, in Reading Virginia Woolf (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2006), pp. 63–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  12. 12.
    Peter L. Thorslev Jr., The Byronic Hero: Types and Prototypes (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1962), p. 3.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    See Mario Praz, The Hero in Eclipse in Victorian Fiction, trans. by Angus Davidson (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford UP, 1956).Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    Thomas Babington Macaulay mistakenly predicted the demise of ‘that magical potency which once belonged to the name of Byron’, in his review of Thomas Moore’s Letters and Journals of Lord Byron: With Notices of his Life for the Edinburgh Review in June 1831. Over 30 years later, in November 1864, Walter Bagehot opined that ‘the cause of his momentary fashion is the cause also of his lasting oblivion’. Both Macaulay and Bagehot are cited in Byron: The Critical Heritage, ed. by Andrew Rutherford (London: Routledge, 1970), pp. 295–316, pp. 365–7 (pp. 316, 365). Rutherford presents a selection of the ongoing debates about Byron’s poetry and the fashion for Byronism that extended throughout the nineteenth century. In addition, Samuel Chew’s invaluable study charts the peaks and troughs of Byron’s posthumous reputation and is a testament to the poet’s undimmed presence in the century following his death. The book includes a 54 page bibliographic list of Byroniana. SeeGoogle Scholar
  15. Samuel C. Chew, Byron in England: His Fame and After-Fame (London: John Murray, 1924).Google Scholar
  16. 15.
    William D. Brewer, ‘Introduction’, in Contemporary Studies on Lord Byron, ed. by William D. Brewer (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001), p. 3.Google Scholar
  17. 16.
    Atara Stein, The Byronic Hero in Film, Fiction, and Television (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois UP, 2004), p. 213. See, also,Google Scholar
  18. Stein, ‘Immortals and Vampires and Ghosts, Oh My!: Byronic Heroes in Popular Culture’, in Romanticism and Contemporary Culture, ed. by Laura Mandell and Michael Eberle-Sinatra. Special issue of Romantic Circles Praxis Series (February 2002), http://www.rc.umd.edu/praxis/contemporary/stein/stein.html, accessed 8 April 2002, 9pp. In addition, Karen McGuire considers the parallels between Byron’s celebrity and the late twentieth-century megastar, Michael Jackson, in ‘Byron Superstar: The Poet in Neverland’, Contemporary Studies on Lord Byron, pp. 141–59.Google Scholar
  19. 17.
    Dickens’s complex regard for Byron is the subject of William R. Harvey, ‘Charles Dickens and the Byronic Hero’, Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 24:3 (1969), pp. 305–16, andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  20. Vincent Newey, ‘Rival Cultures: Charles Dickens and the Byronic Legacy’, in Romantic Echoes in the Victorian Era, ed. by Andrew Radford and Mark Sandy (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 67–83. Byronic Romanticism held a ‘deep fascination’ for Dickens, especially with regards to social and political satire, according to Newey (p. 68). Richard Lansdown also notes the prevalence of Byronic heroines in Dickens’s novels. SeeGoogle Scholar
  21. Lansdown, ‘The Byronic Hero and the Victorian Heroine’, Critical Review, 41 (2001), pp. 105–16. Deborah Lutz observes the ‘punishing’ treatment of Byron and Byronism in Anthony Trollope’s novels, The Eustace Diamonds and The Last Chronicle of Barset. SeeGoogle Scholar
  22. Lutz, ‘The Pirate Poet in the Nineteenth Century’, in Pirates and Mutineers of the Nineteenth Century: Swashbucklers and Swindlers, ed. by Grace Moore (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), pp. 23–39 (p. 24).Google Scholar
  23. 19.
    Byron’s cultural reach (extending to art and music as well as literature) spread far and wide across Europe, from France and Spain to Greece and Romania, as is well documented in The Reception of Byron in Europe, ed. by Richard A. Cardwell, 2 vols (London: Thoemmes Continuum, 2004). For a discussion of Byron’s impact in the US, seeGoogle Scholar
  24. Peter X. Accardo, ‘Byron in America to 1830’, Harvard Library Bulletin, 9:2 (1998), pp. 5–60, andGoogle Scholar
  25. William E. Leonard, Byron and Byronism in America (New York: Columbia UP, 1907).Google Scholar
  26. 21.
    See, for instance, Fellow Romantics: Male and Female British Writers, 1790–1835, ed. by Beth Lau (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), andGoogle Scholar
  27. Caroline Franklin, The Female Romantics: Nineteenth-Century Women Novelists and Byronism (New York and Abingdon: Routledge, 2013).Google Scholar
  28. 22.
    See Paul A. Cantor, ‘Mary Shelley and the Taming of the Byronic Hero: “Transformation” and The Deformed Transformed’, in The Other Mary Shelley: Beyond Frankenstein, ed. by Audrey A. Fisch, Anne K. Mellor, and Esther H. Schor (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1993), pp. 89–106, andGoogle Scholar
  29. Susan J. Wolfson, ‘Hemans and the Romance of Byron’, in Felicia Hemans: Reimagining Poetry in the Nineteenth Century, ed. by Nanora Sweet, Julie Melnyk, and Marlon B. Ross (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 155–80. For Cantor, Mary Shelley’s work typifies contemporary concerns over ‘the new Romantic premium on the self’ (p. 104). Shelley rehabilitates the Byronic hero in ‘Transformation’ (1831), her reimagining of Byron’s drama, The Deformed Transformed (1824). Franklin includes chapters on Mary Shelley and Lady Caroline Lamb in Female Romantics.Google Scholar
  30. 25.
    Elizabeth Barrett Browning refers to ‘a sort of novel-poem’ in a letter written to Robert Browning in February 1845. For Marjorie Stone, Barrett Browning is a Romantic Victorian for whom Byron was a formative and lasting influence. See P Stone, ‘Elizabeth Barrett Browning and Victorian Versions of Byron and Wollstonecraft: Romantic Genealogies, Self-Defining Memories and the Genesis of Aurora Leigh’, in Romantic Echoes, pp. 123–41 (p. 140). See, also, Dorothy Mermin, ‘Beginning to Write’, in Godiva’s Ride: Women of Letters in England, 1830–1880 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1993), pp. 3–19.Google Scholar
  31. 27.
    The Brontë sisters were steeped in Byron’s poetry, Thomas Moore’s Life of Byron, and Finden’s engravings, which were diligently copied out in their own drawings (for evidence of the latter, see The Art of the Brontës, ed. by Christine Alexander and Jane Sellars [Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995]). Tom Winnifrith contends, with regards to their early writings, that ‘the Brontës’ juvenilia provides confirmatory evidence of the sisters’ preoccupation with […] the Byronic hero, beautiful but damned’. See The Brontës and Their Background: Romance and Reality (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1973), p. 5. On Charlotte Brontë’s formative immersion in the Byronic, seeGoogle Scholar
  32. Christine Alexander, The Early Writings of Charlotte Brontë (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983). For Byron’s influence on the Brontës’ later works, especially on the ‘timeless twin-ness’ of Byron and Emily Brontë, see, among others,Google Scholar
  33. Margiad Evans, ‘Byron and Emily Brontë: An Essay’, Life and Letters, 57 (1948), pp. 193–216 (p. 196);Google Scholar
  34. Helen Brown, ‘The Influence of Byron on Emily Brontë’, Modern Language Review, 34 (1939), pp. 374–81; andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. F. B. Pinion, ‘Byron and Wuthering Heights’, Brontë Society Transactions, 21 (1995), pp. 195–201. See, also,CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  36. Irene Tayler, Holy Ghosts: The Male Muses of Emily and Charlotte Brontë (New York: Columbia UP, 1990). For a discussion of Byronic presences in screen adaptations of the Brontës’ fiction, seeGoogle Scholar
  37. Lucasta Miller, The Brontë Myth (London: Jonathan Cape, 2001);Google Scholar
  38. Patsy Stoneman, Brontë Transformations: The Cultural Dissemination of ‘Jane Eyre’ and ‘Wuthering Heights’ (London: Prentice Hall/ Harvester-Wheatsheaf, 1996); andGoogle Scholar
  39. Sarah Wootton, ‘“Picturing in me a hero of romance”: The Legacy of Jane Eyre’s Byronic Hero’, in A Breath of Fresh Eyre: Intertextual and Intermedial Reworkings of ‘Jane Eyre’, ed. by Margarete Rubik and Elke Mettinger-Schartmann (Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2007), pp. 229–241.Google Scholar
  40. 28.
    Winifred Gérin reads the Brontës’ heroes, Rochester and Heathcliff, as ‘proof that the influence of Byron was no shallow thing, no slavish imitation of a literary model’. See ‘Byron’s Influence on the Brontës’, Keats-Shelley Memorial Bulletin, 17 (1966), pp. 1–19 (p. 5). Later critics who argue for the Brontës’ indebtedness to and movement away from Byron include Nina Auerbach, ‘This Changeful Life: Emily Brontë’s Anti-Romance’, in Shakespeare’s Sisters: Feminist Essays on Women Poets, ed. by Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar (Bloomington and London: Indiana UP, 1979), pp. 48–64; Andrew Elfenbein, Byron and the Victorians, especially his chapter on Emily Brontë; andGoogle Scholar
  41. Inga-Stina Ewbank, Their Proper Sphere: A Study of the Brontë Sisters as Early-Victorian Female Novelists (London: Edward Arnold, 1966).Google Scholar
  42. 29.
    Anne Brontë asserts, when justifying the publication of her novel in the ‘Preface to the Second Edition’, that ‘I wished to tell the truth, for truth always conveys its own moral to those who are able to receive it’. See The Tenant of Wildfell Hall, ed. by Stevie Davies (London: Penguin, 1996), p. 3.Google Scholar
  43. 30.
    Emily Brontë, Wuthering Heights, ed. by David Daiches, rpt (London: Penguin Classics, 1985), p. 187. Subsequent references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  44. 31.
    Charlotte Brontë, Jane Eyre (London: Penguin, 2002), pp. 150–1, 156. Subsequent references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  45. 32.
    Atara Stein, ‘“I Loved Her and Destroyed Her”: Love and Narcissism in Byron’s Manfred’, Philological Quarterly, 69:2 (1990), pp. 189–215 (p. 197).Google Scholar
  46. 34.
    See Jane Austen’s Letters, ed. by Deirdre Le Faye, 4th edn (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011), p. 268.Google Scholar
  47. 35.
    See The George Eliot Letters, ed. by Gordon S. Haight, 9 vols (London and New Haven: Oxford UP, 1956–78), V, p. 54. Subsequent references will be dated in the text.Google Scholar
  48. 36.
    Matthew Arnold, ‘Byron’, from Essays in Criticism: Second Series 1888, in Matthew Arnold: Selected Prose, ed. by P. J. Keating (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), pp. 385–404 (p. 401).Google Scholar
  49. 38.
    Michael O’Neill, ‘“In the Sea of Life Enisled”: Byron and Arnold’, in Byron and the Isles of Imagination: A Romantic Chart, ed. by Alistair Heys and Vitana Kostadinova (Plovdiv: Plovdiv UP, 2009), pp. 67–87 (p. 78). See, also,Google Scholar
  50. O’Neill, ‘“The burden of ourselves”: Arnold as a Post-Romantic Poet’, Yearbook of English Studies, 36:2 (2006), pp. 109–24; and ‘The Romantic Bequest: Arnold and Others’, in The Oxford Handbook of Victorian Poetry, ed. by Matthew Bevis (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2013), pp. 217–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  51. 39.
    Susan Allen Ford, ‘Learning Romance from Scott and Byron: Jane Austen’s Natural Sequel’, Persuasions, 26 (2004), pp. 72–88 (p. 77). The unprecedented sales of Byron’s poems are the subject of St Clair, ‘The Impact of Byron’s Writings’.Google Scholar
  52. 40.
    Jane Austen, Persuasion, ed. by Gillian Beer (London: Penguin, 1998), p. 94. Subsequent references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  53. 41.
    Robert Browning, ‘Andrea del Sarto’, l. 49, in Robert Browning: Selected Poems, intro. and notes by Daniel Karlin (London: Penguin, 1989). Byron was a formative influence on Robert Browning; the speakers of the latter’s dramatic monologues share certain features with the former’s.Google Scholar
  54. 43.
    George Eliot, Middlemarch: A Study of Provincial Life, rpt (Ware: Wordsworth Classics, 1995), pp. 174, 176. Subsequent references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  55. 44.
    Byron presented himself as a conundrum, ‘such a strange mélange of good and evil, that it would be difficult to describe me’. See Leslie Marchand, Byron: A Biography, 3 vols (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957), p. 1066.Google Scholar
  56. 45.
    Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (Ware: Wordsworth Classics, 1992), p. 197. Subsequent references will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  57. 47.
    See E. J. Clery, ‘Austen and Masculinity’, in A Companion to Jane Austen, ed. by Claudia L. Johnson and Clara Tuite (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), pp. 332–42.Google Scholar
  58. 49.
    For Victor Brombert, modern anti-heroes resist a single type or description and adopt, as with the Byronic hero, ‘a paradoxical, at times provocative, stance’. See Brombert, In Praise of Antiheroes: Figures and Themes in Modern European Literature, 1830–1980 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 1.Google Scholar
  59. 50.
    Jerome J. McGann, Fiery Dust: Byron’s Poetic Development (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), p. 27.Google Scholar
  60. 52.
    Byron acknowledged that Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage drew on his own experiences when abroad, yet insisted that the protagonist was a ‘child of imagination’ in the ‘Preface to the First and Second Cantos’, for instance. See Byron: Poetical Works, ed. by Frederick Page, rev. edn. John Jump (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1970), p. 179. Such disclaimers did little to abate the conflation of the poet and his poetry, as Macaulay testifies: ‘Lord Byron never wrote without some reference, direct or indirect, to himself. The interest excited by the events of his life, mingles itself in our minds, and probably in the minds of almost all our readers, with the interest which properly belongs to his works’ (cited in Byron: The Critical Heritage, pp. 301–2).Google Scholar
  61. 53.
    The Letters of Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley, ed. by Betty T. Bennett (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins UP, 1980), I, p. 289.Google Scholar
  62. 54.
    Matthew Arnold, ‘Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse’, l. 136, in Arnold: Poetical Works, ed. by C. B. Tinker and H. F. Lowry, rpt (London: Oxford UP, 1969). His famous line imitates even as it ironises, as O’Neill argues (‘Byron and Arnold’, p. 79). The ‘theatrical preludings’ that Arnold associates with a narrow understanding of the poet are also insolubly connected with the ‘real Byron’ that he praises (‘Byron’, p. 401).Google Scholar
  63. 55.
    Manfred: A Dramatic Poem, Act II, scene ii, 11. 97–8. Byron: Poetical Works, ed. by Frederick Page, rev. edn. John Jump (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1970). Unless otherwise stated, references to Byron’s poetry are taken from this edition and will be given in the text.Google Scholar
  64. 56.
    A selling point for Fiona MacCarthy’s substantial biography, Byron: Life and Legend, was uncovering the poet’s homosexuality and relationships with boys. Rather than being ‘hidden’, Byron’s sexual predilections have been the subject of much speculation, including an appendix, ‘Byron’s Sexual Ambivalence’, in Doris Langley Moore, Lord Byron: Accounts Rendered (London: John Murray, 1974). MacCarthy’s biography considers Byron’s fame and aspects of his posthumous reputation, with a concluding section devoted to ‘The Byron Cult’. See MacCarthy, Byron: Life and Legend (London: John Murray, 2002).Google Scholar
  65. 59.
    Ian MacKillop and Alison Platt, ‘“Beholding in a Magic Panorama”: Television and the Illustration of Middlemarch’, in The Classic Novel: From Page to Screen, ed. by Robert Giddings and Erica Sheen (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000), pp. 71–92 (p. 82).Google Scholar
  66. 62.
    Jean Hall, ‘The Evolution of the Surface Self: Byron’s Poetic Career’, Keats-Shelley Journal, 36 (1987), pp. 134–57 (pp. 157, 140, 141). Andrew Rutherford offers a useful summary of writers who were sceptical of Byron’s most successful poems in Byron The Best-Seller, The Byron Foundation Lecture (Nottingham: University of Nottingham, 1964).Google Scholar
  67. 63.
    On the ‘process of [Byron’s] self-presentation and representations’, see Christine Kenyon Jones, ‘Fantasy and Transfiguration: Byron and His Portraits’, in Byromania, pp. 109–36 (p. 110). See, also, Byron: The Image of the Poet, ed. by Christine Kenyon Jones (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 2008).Google Scholar
  68. 64.
    Diego Saglia, ‘Touching Byron: Masculinity and the Celebrity Body in the Romantic Period’, in Performing Masculinity, ed. by Rainer Emig and Antony Rowland (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 13–27 (pp. 14, 25).Google Scholar
  69. 71.
    Susan J. Wolfson, ‘“Their She Condition”: Cross-Dressing and the Politics of Gender in Don Juan’, ELH, 54:3 (1987), pp. 585–617. See, also,CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  70. Wolfson, ‘“A Problem Few Dare Imitate”: Sardanapalus and “Effeminate Character”’, ELH, 58:4 (1991), pp. 867–902. For Jonathan Gross, the narrator’s homoerotic engagement with the hero is political: ‘it is the gay aspect of his [the narrator’s] bisexual identity that accounts for some of the most subversive, carni-valesque qualities of his poem’. SeeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  71. Gross, ‘“One Half What I Should Say”: Byron’s Gay Narrator in Don Juan’, European Romantic Review, 9:3 (1998), pp. 323–50 (p. 324).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  72. 72.
    See Cantor, ‘Mary Shelley and the Taming of the Byronic Hero’. Steven Bruhm detects a transgressive queerness throughout the poetry: ‘Byron is queer in that he forces us to reevaluate our very notion of what Romantic male sexuality might be’. Bruhm, ‘Reforming Byron’s Narcissism’, in Lessons of Romanticism: A Critical Companion, ed. by Thomas Pfau and Robert F. Gleckner (Durham, NC and London: Duke UP, 1998), pp. 429–47 (p. 438). See, also,Google Scholar
  73. Bruhm, Reflecting Narcissus: A Queer Aesthetic (Minneapolis, MN and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2001). Gross situates Byron more broadly within a homosocial sphere in which public relationships with women enhanced his prestige with other men. See Jonathan Gross, ‘Epistolary Engagements: Byron, Annabella, and the Politics of 1813’, in Contemporary Studies on Lord Byron, pp. 17–36.Google Scholar
  74. 73.
    Jacqueline M. Labbe, The Romantic Paradox: Love, Violence and the Uses of Romance, 1760–1830 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  75. 74.
    According to Sedgwick, relationships between men, however hostile, are orchestrated through and supplant the significance of women in the nineteenth-century novel. See Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York and Chichester: Columbia UP, 1985).Google Scholar
  76. 75.
    Caroline Franklin argues for the range of Byron’s female characters, ‘from the eroticized passive victim of patriarchal force to the masculinized woman-warrior, from the romantic heroine of sentiment to the sexually voracious virago or the chaste republican matron, and so the list goes on. Byron was constantly experimenting with the representation of women’. See Franklin, Byron’s Heroines (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), p. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  77. 76.
    Andrew Elfenbein, ‘Byronism and the Work of Homosexual Performance in Early Victorian England’, Modern Language Quarterly, 54:4 (1993), pp. 535–66 (p. 537). Saglia considers the importance of Byron’s body to the silver-fork and dandy novelists, Bulwer-Lytton and Disraeli, in ‘Touching Byron’.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  78. 79.
    Caroline Franklin, Byron and Women Novelists, The Byron Foundation Lecture (Nottingham: University of Nottingham, 2001), p. 37.Google Scholar
  79. 82.
    Elizabeth Gaskell, North and South, ed. by Angus Easson, rpt (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982), p. 64.Google Scholar
  80. 87.
    Umberto Eco, cited in Patsy Stoneman, ‘The Brontë Legacy: Jane Eyre and Wuthering Heights as Romance Archetypes’, Rivista di Studi Vittoriani, 3:5 (1998), pp. 5–24 (p. 9). For Russell, the artifice of Byron’s Romanticism was overlooked, ‘omitting the element of pose in his cosmic despair and professed contempt for mankind. Like many other prominent men, he was more important as a myth than as he really was. As a myth, his importance, especially on the Continent, was enormous’. SeeGoogle Scholar
  81. Bertrand Russell, A History of Western Philosophy (London: Routledge Classics, 2004), p. 680.Google Scholar
  82. 88.
    William Wordsworth, ‘Lines Written a Few Miles above Tintern Abbey, on Revisiting the Banks of the Wye during a Tour, July 13, 1798’, l. 97. William Wordsworth: The Pedlar, Tintern Abbey and the Two-Part Prelude, ed. by Jonathan Wordsworth (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1985).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Sarah Wootton 2016

Authors and Affiliations

  • Sarah Wootton
    • 1
  1. 1.Durham UniversityUK

Personalised recommendations