Abstract
Looking beyond topical political events in Egypt, initiation into a new practice of citizenship through elections has emerged as one of the main achievements of the revolution. Since the fall of Mubarak in February 2011, Egyptians have been called to the polls seven times (two legislative elections—one for the People’s Assembly, the other for the Senate—two presidential elections, and three constitutional referendums). After the removal of former President Morsi in July 2013 and the election of Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi as head of state in June 2014, another round of legislative elections remains to be held to complete the establishment of Egypt’s new political order.1
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Notes
For an in-depth study of Egyptian elections under Mubarak, see Sandrine Gamblin (ed.), Contours et dé tours du politique en Egypte. Les é lections législatives de 1995 (Paris: L’Harmattan/CEDEJ, 1997);
Sarah Ben Néfissa and Ala’al-Din Arafat, Vote et démocratie dans l’Egypte contemporaine (Paris: IRD-Karthala, 2005).
In addition to the previous sources, see Lisa Blaydes, Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
Touse Patrick Haenni’s terms in his monograph on the neighborhood of Imbaba in L’ordre des caïds. Conjurer la dissidence urbaine au Caire (Paris: Karthala/CEDEJ), 2002.
See Marie Duboc, “Le 6 avril: un jour de colère sans grèves,” in Iman Farag (ed.), Chroniques Egyptiennes (Cairo: CEDEJ, 2008).
See Marie Vannetzel, La clandestinité ouverte. Réseaux et registres de la mobilisation des Frères musulmans en Egypte (2005–2010), PhD thesis, Sciences Po Paris, 2012.
See Farhad Khosrokhavar, The New Arab Revolutions that Shook the World (Boulder (CO): Paradigm Publishers, 2012). According to the author, the “would-be middle class,” a driving force in the revolutionary movement, is a modern and educated generation in an unstable job situation and whose social ambitions were thwarted by the systematic favoritism characteristic of the Mubarak regime.
Tarek Masoud, Counting Islam: Religion, Class, and Elections in Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
Designed to bring Egyptian agriculture in line with world market standards, law 96/1992 raised land rents considerably and revoked the continuity and transmissibility of tenancy contracts previously guaranteed by the land reform of 1952. As soon as the law came into force in 1997, landowners were thus entitled to expel insolvent farmers. According to the 1990 agricultural census, rented farmland made up 25 percent of the arable land in the Nile Valley and 18 percent in the Delta. The farmers ousted from the Delta benefited from resettlement programs on “new lands” (an area of 2.5 feddan, or 1.25 hectare/3 acres) west of the Delta. For a summary of the effects of the law of 1992 on small farmers, see François Ireton, “La petite paysannerie dans la tourmente néolibérale,” in Chroniques Egyptiennes 2006 (Cairo: CEDEJ, July 2007).
Mohamed H. Abdel Aal, “Tenants, Owners, and Sugar Cane: Law 96/1992 in Qena and Aswan,” in Nicholas Hopkins and Reem Saad, Upper Egypt. Identity and Change (Cairo: American University in Cairo, 2004).
The “second stratum” does not rule Egypt per se, but without it, the political and administrative elite cannot govern the country. Leonard Binder, In a Moment of Enthusiasm: Political Power and the Second Stratum in Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).
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© 2016 Bernard Rougier and Hala Bayoumi
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Rougier, B., Bayoumi, H. (2016). The Electoral Sociology of the Egyptian Vote in the 2011–2013 Sequence. In: Rougier, B., Lacroix, S. (eds) Egypt’s Revolutions. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-56322-4_8
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