Abstract
The creation of the Party of European Socialists in November 1992 marked a new stage in the process of cooperation among Socialists of the European Union. In fact, given the stagnation of the previous phase, the PES contributed to reorganizing and heightening cooperation within European Socialism. The PES imposed itself and was gradually recognized as the unchallenged organizational center of coordination among Socialists at the European Union level, bringing a new dynamic to regional Social Democratic “integration.” More homogenous than the Union of Socialist Parties of the European Community (UPSCE), founded in 1974, the PES is today more coherent and better equipped than its traditional partner and adversary, the EPP (European People’s Party), to carry out “effective” actions within the European institutions. The PES’s political influence has grown (especially through the party leaders’ conferences) and its authority has been more clearly asserted and consolidated at the European level.2 Yet, despite its increased strength, the PES, like all pan-European parties, is in reality only a “proto-party,” a term indicative of a restricted partisan profile, even an elliptical one, and clearly incomplete.3 The reinforced PES remains a weak integrative institution.4
We would like to thank our colleagues who graciously provided us with information and shared their thoughts with us in order to write this chapter: Yves Léonard for Portugal, Luis Ramiro for Spain, Marc Lazar for Italy, John Crowley for Great Britain, Swante Ersson for Sweden, Gerrit Voerman for the Netherlands, and Pascal Delwit for Belgium.
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Notes
Hix, S., “Political Parties in the European Union: A Comparative Politics Approach to the Organizational Development of the European Party Federations,” Working Paper, Jan. 1995, Manchester, passim.
Soldados, P., Le système institutionnel et politique des communautés européennes dans un monde en mutation, Brussels: Bruylant, 1989, p. 231.
Smith, J., Europe’s Elected Parliament, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999, pp. 93, 96.
Germain, G., Approche socio politique des profils et réseaux relationnels des socialistes, libéraux et democrates-chrétiens allemands et français du Parlement Européen, doctoral dissertation, Paris Institute of Political Studies, 1995, pp. 309–310.
“Quality and excellence,” according to the terms of Network Europe, was the principle on which the group wanted to found its action: “To have the best management systems (internal communication networks, Intranet, information management and outreach strategy), the best European political web site, the best political story adaptable to national circumstances, the best European polling program, the best media management” (Network Europe, Final Report internal document, Brussels, June 30, 1999, pp. 2–3).
T. Beymer, the PES’s secretary-general, appears convinced that the Socialists will be able to present a common acronym for the next European elections (interview with G. Moschonas, Brussels, November 1999).
See Gérard Grunberg, “Le socialisme en difficulté,” in Pascal Perrineau and Colette Ysmal, Le vote des Douze, Les élections européennes de juin 1994, Chroniques électorales, Presses de Science Po, 1995, pp. 39–73.
See Yves Léonard, “Portugal: en attendant l’Europe,” in Les pays d’Europe occidentale (ed. A. Grosser), 1998, Les etudes de la Documentation française, pp. 209–230.
See G. Moschonas, In the Name of Social Democracy, The Great Transformation London: Verso, 2001 (forthcoming).
Devin, G. “L’Union des Partis Socialistes de la Communauté Européenne. Le Socialisme en quête d’identite,” in Socialismo Storia, Milan: Franco Angeli, 1989, p. 282.
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© 2002 Pascal Perrineau, Gérard Grunberg, and Colette Ysmal
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Grunberg, G., Moschonas, G. (2002). The Disillusionment of European Socialists. In: Perrineau, P., Grunberg, G., Ysmal, C. (eds) Europe at the Polls: The European Elections of 1999. Europe in Transition: The NYU European Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04441-9_6
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