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When and Where Class Matters for Political Outcomes: Class and Politics in a Cross-National Perspective

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Handbook of Politics

Part of the book series: Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research ((HSSR))

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Class conceptualization and measurement greatly influence the discovery of class effects in empirical models of political outcomes. As Wright (1997) and Sorensen (2000) demonstrate by providing convincing examples, different research questions imply different, equally legitimate definitions of class. We agree with the view that plurality and diversity of concepts of class is an essential part of discourse in social sciences, and there are no intellectual reasons to limit it. However, in each research instance, it is important to clarify the meaning of the concept of class and explain its main properties and relations with other concepts pertaining to structured social inequality.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The European Social Survey (ESS) is a multicountry biennial survey. The first round of the ESS was carried out in 2002 in 22 countries, the second round (2004) embraced 26 countries, and in the third round (2006) 25 countries participated. The questionnaire includes a “core” module that remains relatively constant from round to round. It focuses on political orientations (public trust, political interest, governance and efficacy) and social values and economic attitudes (primarily those toward well-being). Additional modules focus on particular issues such as immigration or gender roles. See: www.europeansocialsurvey.org

  2. 2.

    Soft political-protest is similar to “conventional” protest, said to include legal demonstration and signing petitions (Jenkins and Form 2005). We add here contacting a politician, government or local government official, since we must take into account that soft political-protest might be exercised in alternative forms in various countries. In particular, in one country signing a petition can be treated as a functional equivalent of contacting a politician or official in another country. This seems to be especially relevant for countries with weak petition-signing culture, as is the case in new democracies (see Inglehart and Catterberg 2002).

  3. 3.

    Nomenklatura in itself is simply “a list of positions, arranged in order of seniority, including a description of duties of each office (Harasymiv 1969: 122)”. However, in reality, it carried significant status and power in all communist countries because appointments to these positions required ratification by an appropriate party committee. It served as “nervous system of the party” extending to all levels of society, and enabling the part-state to penetrate all layers of the social system (Lewis 1985).

  4. 4.

    One of the earliest oppositionists to the thesis on diminishing role of social classes in the United States was Richard F. Hamilton (1972) who documented that supposed malaise of the “lower-middle class” and the presumed intolerance and political incapacity of blue-collar workers had no empirical foundation.

  5. 5.

    Using bad class schemas, researchers arguing “against class” have a tendency of committing an error of not rejecting the null hypothesis Ho while Ho does not reflect the reality. In statistics this situation corresponds to the Type II error.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

    Kazimierz M. Slomczynski & Joshua Kjerulf Dubrow

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  1. Kazimierz M. Slomczynski
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  1. Department of Sociology, The University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA

    Kevin T. Leicht

  2. Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

    J. Craig Jenkins

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Slomczynski, K.M., Dubrow, J.K. (2010). When and Where Class Matters for Political Outcomes: Class and Politics in a Cross-National Perspective. In: Leicht, K.T., Jenkins, J.C. (eds) Handbook of Politics. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-68930-2_11

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