Advertisement

Introduction

Performing Terrorism
  • Leith Passmore
Chapter

Abstract

“Matter of a corpse, Urgent!” In the early morning of May 9, 1976, prison guards found Ulrike Meinhof dead and hanging from her cell window. The police report notes the position of the body and the untidy desk on which “no clues, leads, or notes relevant to the case” could be found, before remarking that “the sole thing on the desk to stand out was that, amongst other things, the book by Ludwig Wittgenstein with the title ‘Philosophical Grammar’ lay there. The book lay open at the pages 84/85.”2 It seems a curious detail to highlight, but just as Lessing’s bourgeois tragedy open on Werther’s desk was a clue to his frustrations, perhaps Wittgenstein is representative of Meinhof’s sufferings: were the limits of her language indeed the limits of her world?3 Questions may always remain about the circumstances of Meinhof’s death, but what is clear is that she struggled with what she saw as the boundaries of communication as a writer, a fugitive, and a prisoner. This book examines her journalism and her terrorism in light of this struggle. It applies to her twin careers a communicative methodology that understands terrorism as a discursive construction: at once the result of, and itself a series of, performative acts of text, imagery, and Physical violence.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, The Suferings of Young Werther, trans. Harry Steinhauer (New York: W. W. Norton, 1970), 95–96.Google Scholar
  2. 3.
    Wittgenstein’s assertion that “Die Grenzen meiner Sprache bedeuten die Grenzen meiner Welt” appeared not in Philospische Grammatik but in his Tractatus, which also appears on RAF reading lists. Sarah Colvin uses the presence of Wittgenstein’s work on Meinhof’s desk and in the RAF reading lists to underline the centrality of language to the understanding of Meinhof; see Sarah Colvin, Ulrike Meinhof and West German Terrorism: Language, Violence, and Identity (New York: Camden House, 2009), 2–4.Google Scholar
  3. 4.
    See Andreas Musolff, Krieg gegen die Öffentlichkeit. Terrorismus und politischer Sprachgebrauch (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1996), 9; andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (London: University of California Press, 2000), 124. This assumption also underpins work in anthropology on violence as ritual, performance, and performative; see, for example,Google Scholar
  5. Anton Blok, “The Enigma of Senseless Violence,” in Meanings of Violence: A Cross Cultural Perspective, ed. Göran Aijmer and Jon Abbink (New York: Berg, 2000), 23–38.Google Scholar
  6. 5.
    In the context of West German terrorism and the RAF, Klaus Weinhauer and Jörg Requate called for the implementation of a model that approaches terrorism as communicative when introducing their 2006 edited collection; see Klaus Weinhauer and Jörg Requate, “Einleitung: Die Herausforderung des ‘Linksterrorismus,’” in Terrorismus in der Bundesrepublik. Medien, Staat und Subkulturen in den 1970er Jahren, ed. Klaus Weinhauer, Jörg Requate, and Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2006), 16. Similarly, in 2008, Nicole Colin, Beatrice De Graaf, Jacco Pekelder, and Joachim Umlauf prefaced their edited collection with a call for an understanding of terrorism as a “social construction that only comes into being via a process of communication between the ‘terrorists’ and the rest of the society” (eine soziale Konstruktion, die erst durch einen Kommunikationsprozess zwischen den ‘Terroristen’ und dem Rest der Gesellschaft entsteht); seeGoogle Scholar
  7. Nicole Colin et al., “Einleitung: ‘Terrorismus’ als soziale Konstruktion,” in Der ‘Deutsche Herbst’ und die RAF in Politik, Medien und Kunst. Nationale und internationale Perspektiven, ed. Nicole Colin et al. (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2008), 9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. 6.
    As cited in Uwe Schütte, “Was ist und zu welchem Ende studieren wir den ‘Kunst-Terrorismus’? Einige vorläufige Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Kultur, Gewalt und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert und darüber hinaus,” in Mythos Terrorismus. Vom Deutschen Herbst zum 11. September, ed. Matteo Galli and Heinz-Peter Preusser (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2006), 191.Google Scholar
  9. 7.
    In the specific context of the RAF, the idea of terrorism as theater has picked up on not only the group’s own sense of theatricality but also the overlap of the artistic avant-garde and the self-proclaimed political avant-garde on the fringes of the West German protest movement; see Arthur J. Sabatini, “Terrorismus und Performance,” Kunstforum International 117 (1992): 147–50;Google Scholar
  10. Sara Hakemi, “‘Burn, baby, burn!’ Die andere Vorgeschichte der RAF,” in Zur Vorstellung des Terrors: Die RAF, ed. Klaus Biesenbach (Göttingen: Steidl Verlag, 2005);Google Scholar
  11. Sarah Hakemi, “Terrorismus und Avantgarde,” in Die RAF und der linke Terrorismus, vol. 1, ed. Wolfgang Kraushaar (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2006);Google Scholar
  12. Thomas Hecken, Avantgarde und Terrorismus. Rhetorik der Intensität und Programme der Revolte von den Futuristen bis zur RAF (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2006); and Schütte, “Was ist und zu welchem Ende studieren wir den ‘Kunst-Terrorismus’?”CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  13. 8.
    Brian Jenkins, International Terrorism: A New Mode of Conflict (Los Angeles: Crescent Publications, 1975), 4.Google Scholar
  14. 9.
    Peter Waldmann, Terrorismus. Provokation der Macht (Hamburg: Murmann Verlag, 2005). Waldmann’s book first appeared in 1998. See alsoGoogle Scholar
  15. Walter Laqueur, Terrorism (London: Wiendenfeld and Nicolson, 1977);Google Scholar
  16. Alex P. Schmid and Janny de Graaf, Violence as Communication: Insurgent Terrorism and the Western News Media (London: Sage Publications, 1982); andGoogle Scholar
  17. Gabriel Weimann and Conrad Winn, The Theatre of Terror: Mass Media and International Terrorism (New York: Longman, 1994).Google Scholar
  18. 10.
    In his 2006 study of the RAF and West German terrorism, Andreas Elter explicitly adopts Waldmann’s model, but not without qualification. Waldmann emphasized the primacy of the symbolic and the communicative, whereas Elter asserts that terrorist violence can be a communication strategy, but is often primarily still directed toward killing people; see Andreas Elter, “Die RAF und die Medien. Ein Fallbeispiel für terroristische Kommunikation,” in Die RAF und der linke Terrorismus, ed. Wolfgang Kraushaar (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2006), 1060.Google Scholar
  19. 12.
    “wörter, begriffe sind aktionen. aktionen sind begriffe,” prison text by Ensslin as cited in Pieter Bakker Schut (ed.), das info: briefe von gefangenen aus der rafaus der diskussion 1973–1977 (Plambeck: Neuer Malik Verlag, 1987), 14.Google Scholar
  20. 13.
    See J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975). Austin first outlined performative utterances in a series of lectures in 1955.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  21. 14.
    Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex” (New York: Routledge, 1993), 2.Google Scholar
  22. 15.
    Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (New York: Routledge, 1997), 51–52. Butler earlier outlined her idea of performativity in her important book Gender Trouble first published in 1990; see particularlyGoogle Scholar
  23. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 2008), 175–93.Google Scholar
  24. 16.
    Beatrice de Graaf and Bob de Graaff, for example, draw on Austin and Butler to write of the performativity of counterterrorism and the role of discourses of terrorism in creating the reality of terrorism; see Beatrice de Graaf and Bob de Graaff, “Bringing Politics Back In: The Introduction of the ‘Performative Power’ of Counterterrorism,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2) (2010): 267. The “linguistic turn” is a disciplinary focus on language as active in the construction of reality and our understanding of reality. From the 1970s, this shift worked its way from philosophy and linguistics, via the traditions of structuralism and poststructuralism, to the humanities more generally, including the writing of history. For more, seeGoogle Scholar
  25. Michael Roberts, “Postmodernism and the Linguistic Turn,” in Making History: An introduction to the History and Practices of a Discipline, ed. Peter Lambert and Phillipp Schofield (New York: Routledge, 2004).Google Scholar
  26. 18.
    Andrea Musolff, “Bürgerkriegs-Szenarios und ihre Folgen. Die Terrorismusdebatte in der Bundesrepublik 1970–1993,” in Die RAF und der linke Terrorismus, ed. Wolfgang Kraushaar (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2006), 1183. Musolff’s position is outlined in detail in his book Krieg gegen die Öffentlichkeit and the article “Terrorismus im öffentlichen Diskurs der BRD: Seine Deutung als Kriegsgeschehen und die Folgen,” in Terrorismus in der Bundesrepublik. Medien, Staat und Subkulturen in den 1970er Jahren, ed. Klaus Weinhauer, Jörg Requate, and Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2006), 302–19.Google Scholar
  27. 19.
    Colvin, Ulrike Meinhof and West German Terrorism. For another dedicated linguistic study of the RAF, see Olaf Gätje, Der Gruppenstil der RAF im Info-System. Eine soziostilistische Untersuchung aus systematischer Perspektive (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008). Gätje’s sociolinguistic study of the RAF’s prison communication network, the info, uses the idea of “style” as a medium by which a meaning based in communicative convention is transmitted.Google Scholar
  28. 20.
    Klaus Weinhauer and Jörg Requate, “Einleitung: Die Herausforderung des ‘Linksterrorismus,’” 9, and Wolfgang Kraushaar, “Mythos RAF. Im Spannungsfeld von terroristischer Herausforderung und populistischer Bedrohungsphantasie,” in Die RAF und der linke Terrorismus, ed. Wolfgang Kraushaar (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2006), 1206.Google Scholar
  29. 22.
    Rolf Sachsse, “Pentagramm hinter deutscher Maschinenpistole unter Russisch Brot. Zur Semiosphäre der Erinnerung an die Rote Armee Fraktion,” in Der “Deutsche Herbst” und die RAF in Politik, Medien und Kunst. Nationale und internationale Perspektiven, ed. Nicole Colin et al. (Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2008), 132.Google Scholar
  30. 23.
    Heinz-Peter Preußer, “Warum Mythos Terrorismus? Versuch einer Begriffsldärung,” in Mythos Terrorismus. Vom Deutschen Herbst zum 11. September, ed. Matteo Galli and Heinz-Peter Preußer (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2006), 70.Google Scholar
  31. 24.
    Susan Sontag, On Photography (New York: Anchor Books, 1990), 167, and Regarding the Pain of Others (New York: Picador, 2004), 88–89. For more on the evolution of the visual narrative in the historiography of the RAF, seeGoogle Scholar
  32. 26.
    Sontag writes of photography reviving a “primitive” sense of images as extensions of real things, as “physically distinct, manifestations of the same energy or spirit”; see Sontag, On Photography, 155–58. Roland Barthes also notes this relationship to the real as the unique quality of the photographic image, that “every photograph is somehow co-natural [co-substantial in Sontag’s analysis] with its referent”; see Roland Barthes, Camera Lucida (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981), 76–77.Google Scholar
  33. 27.
    This link became established wisdom by the mid-1980s; see Susan L. Carruthers, The Media at War: Communication and Conflict in the Twentieth Century (London: MacMillan, 2000), 168–69.Google Scholar
  34. 28.
    For comments about filmic language of the attacks of September 2001, see Begona Aretxaga, “Terror as a Thrill: First Thoughts on the ‘War on Terrorism,’” Anthropological Quarterly 75(1) (2001): 140; andGoogle Scholar
  35. Performance Studies: An Introduction, ed. Richard Schechner (New York: Routledge, 2002), 265–69. In the context of their use of imagery, Bernd Weisbrod describes 1970s terrorists as the “first mediasavvy militants”; seeGoogle Scholar
  36. Bernd Weisbrod, “Terrorism as Performance: The Assassinations of Walther Rathenau and Hanns-Martin Schleyer,” in Control of Violence: Historical and International Perspectives on Violence in Modern Societies, ed. Wilhelm Heitmeyer et al. (New York: Springer, 2011), 376.Google Scholar
  37. 29.
    “Kommunikation mit den Linken [lief] immer noch über das Wort” and “Die Macht der Bilder haben wir nie wirklich zu nutzen versucht,” as cited in Petra Terhoeven, “Opferbilder—Täterbilder. Die Fotographie als Medium linksterroristischer Selbstermächtigung in Deutschland und Italien während der 70er Jahre”, Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 58(7/8) (2007): 390.Google Scholar
  38. 30.
    Terhoeven champions bringing the pictorial turn to the study of left-wing West German terrorism; see Terhoeven, “Opferbilder—Täterbilder,” 380. For detail on the “pictorial turn,” or “iconic” or “visual turn,” see W. J. T. Mitchell, Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 11–34.Google Scholar
  39. 31.
    Terhoeven, “Opferbilder—Täterbilder,” 392–95. For analysis of the ongoing importance of the photos of Meins’s dead body, see Carrie Collenberg, “Dead Holger,” in Baader-Meinhof Returns: History and Cultural Memory of German Left-Wing Terrorism, ed. Gerrit-Jan Berendse and Ingo Cornils (New York: Rodopi, 2008), 65–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  40. 32.
    Martin Steinseifer, “Terrorismus als Medienereignis im Herbst 1977: Strategien, Dynamiken, Darstellungen, Deutungen,” in Terrorismus in der Bundesrepublik. Medien, Staat und Subkulturen in den 1970er Jahren, ed. Klaus Weinhauer, Jörg Requate and Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (Frankfurt: Campus, 2006), 376. See alsoGoogle Scholar
  41. Martin Steinseifer, “‘Fotos wie Brandwunden’?—Überlegungen zur deontischen Bedeutung von Pressefotografien am Beispiel von Hanns Martin Schleyer als Opfer der Roten Armee Fraktion,” in Brisante Semantik. Neuere Konzepte und Froschungsergebnisse einer kulturwissenschaftlichen Linguistik, ed. Dietrich Busse, Thomas Niehr, and Thomas Wengeler (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005), 269–90.Google Scholar
  42. 36.
    Allen Feldman, Formations of Violence: The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 1–27. Feldman’s work is representative of a body of mainly anthological work that has developed an approach to violence—not simply terrorist violence—as ritualistic and performative; see Blok, “The Enigma of Senseless Violence”CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  43. and Göran Aijmer, “The Idiom of Violence in Imagery and Discourse,” in Meanings of Violence: A Cross Cultural Perspective, ed. Göran Aijmer and Jon Abbink (New York: Berg, 2000), 1–21; andGoogle Scholar
  44. Joel Rhodes, The Voice of Violence: Performative Violence as Protest in the Vietnam Era (Praeger, Westport: 2001).Google Scholar
  45. 38.
    Wilfried Rasch cites the incomprehensibility, even “absurdity,” of German terrorism—at first sight—as being behind the assumption that “psychological and psychopathological conditions of the offenders” were at the heart of the violence; see Wilfried Rasch, “Psychological Dimensions of Political Terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany,” International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 2 (1979): 79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  46. 40.
    Colvin, Ulrike Meinhof and West German Terrorism, 189–90; and Sarah Colvin, “Ulrike Meinhof as Woman and Terrorist: Cultural Discourses of Violence and Virtue,” in Baader-Meinhof Returns. History and Cultural Memory of German Left-Wing Terrorism, ed. Gerrit-Jan Berendse and Ingo Cornils (New York: Rodopi, 2008), 84–85.Google Scholar
  47. 41.
    Gerhard Schmidtchen, “Terroristische Karrieren,” in Lebenslaufanalysen, ed. Herbert Jäger, Gerhard Schmidtchen, and Lieselotte Süllwold (Opladen: Westdeuscher Verlag, 1981), 29–31 and 66; andGoogle Scholar
  48. Iring Fetscher, Herfried Münkler, and Hannelore Ludwig, “Ideologien der Terroristen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” in Analysen zum Terrorismus. Ideologien und Strategien, ed. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1981), 58.Google Scholar
  49. 43.
    Rasch, “Psychological Dimensions of Political Terrorism,” 80. Ken Heskin reached similar conclusions in his work on sectarian violence in Ireland; see Ken Heskin, “The Psychology of Terrorism in Ireland,” in Terrorism in Ireland, ed. Yonah Alexander and Alan O’Day (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 88–105.Google Scholar
  50. 44.
    Jeff Victoroff, “The Mind of the Terrorist: A Review and Critique of Psychological Approaches,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 49(1) (2005): 31;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  51. Arie W. Kruglanski and Shira Fishman, “The Psychology of Terrorism: ‘Syndrome’ Versus ‘Tool’ Perspectives,” Terrorism and Political Violence 18 (2006): 194. For an overview of work from the 1960s to 1980s based on the assumption of abnormality that is couched in a revival of such theories in the aftermath of the attacks in New York, seeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  52. Charles L. Ruby, “Are Terrorists Mentally Deranged?,” Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 2(1) (2002): 16–18. Similarly, in 2005, John Horgan argued for both the “normality” assumption and a place for psychology in a broader interdisciplinary approach to terrorism while lamenting what he sees as the reemergence of the 1970s notion of “abnormality” in terrorism research since September 11, 2001; see John Horgan, The Psychology of Terrorism (New York: Routledge, 2005), 65–78.Google Scholar
  53. 45.
    Studies in the 1980s noted Meinhof’s Protestant upbringing as contributing to an intransigent terrorist moraliry, but stopped short of arguing for a direct causal link to terrorism; see Fetscher, Münkler, and Ludwig, “Ideologien der Terroristen,” 58; and Günter Rohrmoser and Jörg Fröhlich, “Ideologische Ursachen des Terrorismus,” in Analysen zum Terrorismus. Ideologien and Strategien, ed. Federal Ministry of the Interior (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1981), 315. More recently, however, Jörg Herrmann presented both Ensslin’s and Meinhof’s Protestantism as at least a causal cofactor in their respective radicalizations; seeGoogle Scholar
  54. Jörg Herrmann, “Ulrike Meinhof und Gudrun Ensslin—Vom Protestantismus zum Terrorismus,” in Zur Vorstellung des Terrors: Die RAF, ed. Klaus Biesenbach (Göttingen: Steidl Verlag, 2005), 113; and Hermann, “‘Unsere Söhne und Töchter.’ Protestantismus und RAF-Terrorismus in den 1970er Jahren,” in Die RAF und der linke Terrorismus, ed. Wolfgang Kraushaar (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2006), 651–52.Google Scholar
  55. 46.
    Sarah Colvin traces the narrative of virtue and saintliness in the telling of the Meinhof story; see Sarah Colvin, “Witch, Amazon, or Joan of Arc? Ulrike Meinhof’s Defenders, or How to Legitimize a Violent Woman,” in Women and Death 2: Warlike Women in the German Literary and Cultural Imagination Since 1500, ed. Sarah Colvin and Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly (New York: Camden House, 2009), 251–57; and Colvin, “Ulrike Meinhof as Woman and Terrorist,” 95–96. For major biographical accounts, seeGoogle Scholar
  56. Mario Krebs, Ulrike Meinhof. Ein Leben im Widerspruch (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag, 1988);Google Scholar
  57. Stefan Aust, Der Baader Meinhof Komplex (Munich: Wilhelm Goldmann Verlag, 1998); andGoogle Scholar
  58. Alois Prinz, Lieber wütend als traurig. Die Lebensgeschichte der Ulrike Meinhof (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2005).Google Scholar
  59. 51.
    Bettina Röhl’s colossal work presents a biographical account of her parents, Klaus Rainer Röhl and Ulrike Meinhof, during the 1960s. Röhl uncovers their links to the East German regime and its financial support for the magazine konkret. She is also particularly scathing of her mother’s cold-blooded and flippant instrumentalization of issues such as the emergency laws, the Eichmann trial, and the Holocaust as catalysts for attacks against the West German government; see Bettina Röhl, So macht Kommunismus Spaß Ulrike Meinhof, Klaus Rainer Röhl und die Akte KONKRET (Hamburg: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 2006). Kristin Wesemann seeks a more scientific approach to outline Meinhof’s political beliefs, including her committed communism; seeGoogle Scholar
  60. Kristin Wesemann, Ulrike Meinhof. Kommunistin, Journalistin, Terroristin—eine politische Biographie (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2007). Jutta Ditfurth does not employ the gendered narratives of previous accounts, but her work is nonetheless an attempt to rehabilitate the terrorist as she lays blame for Meinhof’s evolution with West German society, not Meinhof herself; seeGoogle Scholar
  61. Jutta Ditfurth, Ulrike Meinhof Die Biographie (Berlin: Ullstein, 2007). Preece presents these biographies as part of what he calls the “biographical turn” in RAF history. This turn refers to the spike in biographies in the mid-2000s, particularly around the thirtieth anniversary of the German Autumn, that dealt with figures associated with the RAF in some way; seeGoogle Scholar
  62. Julian Preece, “The Lives of the RAF Revisited: The Biographical Turn,” Memory Studies 3(2) (2010): 151–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  63. 53.
    For detailed accounts of the gendered narratives of West German terrorism as a stubborn reactivation of nineteenth-century criminology, see Colvin, Ulrike Meinhof and West German Terrorism, 189–99; Colvin, “Witch, Amazon, or Joan of Arc?” 257–61; and Colvin, “Ulrike Meinhof as Woman and Terrorist,” 86–92. The understanding of the female suicide bomber in the West after September 11, 2001, has similarly relied heavily on gendered stereotypes. In contrast to her male counterpart, the female suicide bomber is assumed to be emotional, irrational, perhaps hormonal, or somehow masculine or unfeminine, and her motivations are assumed to be personal or domestic rather than ideological; see Terri Toles Patkin, “Explosive Baggage: Female Palestinian Suicide Bombers and the Rhetoric of Emotion,” Women and Language 27(2) (2004): 79–88;Google Scholar
  64. Dan Berkowitz, “Suicide Bombers as Women Warriors: Making News through Mythical Archetypes,” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 82(3) (2005): 607–22;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  65. Brigitte L. Nacos, “The Portrayal of Female Terrorists in the Media: Similar Framing Patterns in the News Coverage of Women in Politics and in Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 28 (2005): 435–51; andCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  66. Cindy D. Ness, “In the Name of the Cause: Women’s Work in Secular and Religious Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 28 (2005): 353–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  67. 56.
    Female homosexuality and bisexuality have been noted as associative and causal factors behind women entering the terrorist underground; see Herbert Jäger, Gerhard Schmidtchen, and Lieselotte Süllwold (ed.), Lebenslaufanalysen (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1981), 107. The Baader Meinhof Report wrote of “pastor’s daughter” (Pfarrerstochter) Ensslin’s first kiss and that she was still a virgin at 22. One page later Ensslin is “long since no ‘pastor’s daughter’ anymore” (schon lange kein “Pfarrerstochter” mehr), as the report describes her threesomes with her first lover. In contrast to Ensslin, Meinhof “messed around” (gab sich … ab) from a very early age, despite not having the “strong sexual appeal that Ensslin undoubtedly possessed” (starke sexuelle Ausstrahlung wie die letztere sie ganz fraglos besitzt); see Der Baader Meinhof Report, 33–34.Google Scholar
  68. 57.
    Clare Bielby, “Remembering the Red Army Faction,” Memory Studies 3(2), 2010: 141–42. Bielby argues that many of the gendered narratives of West German terrorism were still in place thirty years later.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© Leith Passmore 2011

Authors and Affiliations

  • Leith Passmore

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations