Abstract
Austria and Hungary both cultivated philosophical traditions oriented toward analytical, social, and scientific concepts: the Galilei and the Sunday Circles in Budapest, and the Vienna Circle. These informal institutions and their discussions produced mathematicians, philosophers, sociologists, and art theorists whose ideas were influential well into the 1960s, went far beyond Europe, and have direct relevance to the present time. György Lukács, Karl Mannheim, Károly and Mihaly Polányi, György Pólya, and Béla Balto are some who have felt this influence, as well as Ludwig Wittgenstein, Kurt Gödel, Rudolf Carnap, Otto Neurath, Karl Popper, and Ernst H. Gombrich — just to name the most well known. There were also those less well known, such as Leo Popper, who had propagated the term “open art works” as early as 1906, and the precursor of systems theory, Béla Zaiai. In particular, the influence of Ludwig Wittgenstein and Ernst Mach can scarcely be overestimated. John Blackmore demonstrates the effect that Mach had on Hungarian scientists (Tódor von Kármán, György von Bekesy, Gyorgy von Hevesy, John von Neumann, Jenö Pál Wigner, Leo Szilárd, and Ede Teller). E. Leinfellner convincingly shows, however, that Fritz Mauthner influenced Wittgenstein. C.J. Nyiri analyzes the specificities of Hungarian and Austrian philo-sophy from the perspective of the humanities.
References
“I believe,” wrote Boltzmann, “that the task of theory consists of the construction of a pure image of the world which exists in all of us ... it is a possessive drive of human spirit to create such an image and to adjust it more and more to the outer world.”s Ludwig Boltzmann, Populäre Schriften, (Leipzig, 1905) p. 77.
See, for example, my papers “Musil und der Begriff der Tradition,” Robert Musil-Theater, Bildung, Kritik, Josef and Johann Strutz, eds. (Munich/Salzburg, 1985) pp. 143–152; and “Musil und Wittgenstein,” Literatur und Kritik 113 (1977: 4) 167–179.
As Rudolf Haller points out, Neurath stressed as early as 1913 that all statements of observation are laden with theory, and in fact by the mid-1930s, he had arrived at views strikingly parallel to those of Kuhn and Feyerabend. See Haller, “Die Arten der Erfahrungsbegründung,” Schlick und Neurath — Ein Symposium, R. Haller, ed. (Amsterdam, 1982), pp. 26 and 33.
Ernst Mach, Popular Scientific Lectures [1895] reprint, La Salle III (1943) p. 227.
Mach (1943), p. 232.
Karl R. Popper, Conjectures and Refutations (London, 1972) pp. 130f. From a paper titled “Toward a Rational Theory of Tradition” (1948).
Paul Feyerabend, Science in a Free Society [1978] reprint (London, 1982) p. 26.
Feyerabend (1982), p. 7.
Musil’s doctoral dissertation of 1908, “Beitrag zur Beurteilung der Lehren Machs,” is now available in English under the title “On Mach’s Theories”(Munich, 1982).
On the traditionalist elements of Wittgenstein’s later epistemology see my papers “Wittgenstein’s New Traditionalism,” Acta Philosophica Fennica 28/1-3 (1976) 503–512, and “Wittgenstein 1929–1931: Die Rückkehr,” KODIKAS/CODE-Ars Semeiotica 4-5/2 (1982) 115–136.
Transl. into English under the title Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact (Chicago, 1979).
Michael Polányi, Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy [1958] reprint (London, 1983) p. 49. It was, of course, in England that Polányi wrote his philosophical works, but he was actually born in Budapest in 1891, and the milieu in which he grew up was so markedly Viennese that it does not seem improper to regard him in the present context as an Austrian philosopher of science. His father, whose name was still Pollacsek, came from the Carpathian region, and his mother, Cecile Wohl, from a Lithuanian rabbinical family. During the 1880s they lived in Vienna. Michael’s brother, Karl, was born there, and the family’s ties with the culture of that city remained strong for decades thereafter.
Polányi (1983), p. 53
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Husserl’s early work, Philosophie der Arithmetik (1891), should doubtlessly be regarded as an Austrian contribution to the philosophy of science, and the Logische Untersuchungen of 1900/01 still contain characteristically Austrian elements.
Ph., Einstein: His Life and Times (London, 1948) p. 214.
Rudolf Haller, “Österreichische Philosophie,” Conceptus 11/28-30 (1977) 66.
Witness his Patterns of Discovery, Cambridge, 1959.
This becomes especially clear from his early essay, “Some Reflections on Language Games,” Philosophy of Science 21 (1954).
See Kuhn’s “Preface” to his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago, 1964), p. viii; and his “Foreword” to Fleck (1979).
From a letter dated 16 March 1911. cit. J. T. Blackmore, Ernst Mach: His Work, Life, and Influence (Berkeley, 1972) p. 13.
Blackmore (1972), p. 14. Reflecting upon the achievements of science in Germany after World War I and upon the “abominable economic conditions” there, W. Fischer wrote, “that highest standards could be kept in spite of such relative poverty throws some doubts on the hypothesis that there is a necessary direct link between ample funding of basic research and its quality” in Science, Technology and Economic Development, W. Beranek, Jr. and G. Ranis, eds. (New York, 1978) p. 100. But as Fischer himself writes, the German situation was peculiar, since from the time of the Prussian university reforms promulgated mainly by W. von Humboldt there had existed a powerful, established tradition of research and teaching — a tradition destroyed by the Nazis.
Blackmore (1972) p. 15.
First published Prague, 1872, 2nd ed. Leipzig, 1909.
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Ibid., 38.
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Frank (1948) p. 214. By 1945, Nobel Prizes had been given to Austrian physicists Schrödinger, Hess, and W. Pauli. But one can still hear an undertone of frustration when, for example, the essayist Paul Kruntorad writes, “Nuclear fusion, which the German physicist Otto Hahn was the first to carry out in an experiment, was described by Lise Meitner and her cousin Otto Robert Frisch, who coined the term.” A.E.I.O.U., P. Kruntorad, ed. (Vienna, 1985) p. 9.
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Nyíri, C.J. et al. (2007). Theory of science art theory. In: Beyond Art: A Third Culture. Springer, Vienna. https://doi.org/10.1007/3-211-37846-4_8
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