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Internet Platforms and Freedom of Expression in Constitution-Making

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Part of the YSEC Yearbook of Socio-Economic Constitutions book series (YSEC,volume 2021)

Abstract

Internet speech provides opportunities for democratic discourse but has also proven to cause harm to democracy by elevating disinformation, harassment, and extremism. Regulating power in the digital world challenges traditional understandings of freedom of expression and might require a legal response at the constitutional level. This article explores how Internet speech and freedom of expression have been addressed in three constitutional reform processes commenced after the 2008 financial crisis in Iceland, Ireland, and Norway. In all cases the novel or emerging problems involving Internet speech, and particularly the power of Internet platforms, were missed by constitutional reformers while positive aspects of Internet speech were embraced and granted constitutional protection. The experiences highlight, among other things, the importance of timing of constitutional reform: Reformers necessarily focus mostly on problems of the past but the timing of a “constitutional moment” may not be optimal to address what will become pressing problems. Reformers are constrained, or perceive themselves to be constrained, by international law and traditional constitutional law doctrine where the state is the principal risk for fundamental rights. The power of private entities, including Internet platforms, goes unaddressed, and the global scale of Internet speech, far beyond the territorial jurisdiction of constitutional law, presents various complexities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For an exploration of democracy as the foundation of freedom of expression see Schauer (1983).

  2. 2.

    E.g. Fishkin and Mansbridge (2017).

  3. 3.

    ECtHR: Handyside v. the United Kingdom, no. 5493/72, § 49, Series A-24.

  4. 4.

    Id.

  5. 5.

    See Sect. 2 below.

  6. 6.

    Anderson and Rainie (2020).

  7. 7.

    See generally e.g. Contiades (2013).

  8. 8.

    Suzor, 2018, p. 2. See generally Celeste (2019), Redeker et al. (2018), De Gregorio (2021).

  9. 9.

    Suzor (2020), p. 2.

  10. 10.

    Suzor (2020), p. 1.

  11. 11.

    De Gregorio (2021), p. 2.

  12. 12.

    E.g. Benkler (2006), p. 212, Massaro and Norton (2021), pp. 1634–1635, Wu (2018), p. 554.

  13. 13.

    E.g. De Gregorio (2021), p. 1.

  14. 14.

    ECtHR: Cengiz and Others v. Turkey, no. 48226/10, §§ 49 and 52, 1 December 2015.

  15. 15.

    ECtHR: Ahmet Yıldırım v. Turkey, no. 3111/10, 18 December 2012, ECtHR: Akdeniz v. Turkey, no. 20877/10 (dec.), 11 March 2014, ECtHR: Vladimir Kharitonov v. Russia, no 10795/14, 23 June 2020.

  16. 16.

    ECtHR: Delfi AS v. Estonia [GC], no. 64569/09, 6 June 2015.

  17. 17.

    ECtHR: Perrin v. the United Kingdom, no. 5446/03 (dec.), 18 October 2005.

  18. 18.

    ECtHR: Magyar Tartalomszolgáltatók Egyesülete and Index.hu Zrt v. Hungary, no. 22947/13, § 87, 2 February 2016.

  19. 19.

    Id, § 86.

  20. 20.

    ECtHR: Appleby and Others v. the United Kingdom, no. 44306/98, § 44, ECHR 2003-VI.

  21. 21.

    ECtHR: Cengiz and Others v. Turkey, no. 48226/10, § 49, 1 December 2015.

  22. 22.

    Council of Europe (2014).

  23. 23.

    UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression (2011).

  24. 24.

    Balkin (2014).

  25. 25.

    E.g. Douek (2021).

  26. 26.

    Hofverberg (2021).

  27. 27.

    Massaro and Norton (2016), Kaminski et al. (2017).

  28. 28.

    CJEU: CJEU, Case C-18/18, Eva Glawischnig-Piesczek v. Facebook Ireland Limited, ECLI:EU:C:2019:821.

  29. 29.

    Wu (2018), p. 548.

  30. 30.

    Wu (2018), pp. 555–556.

  31. 31.

    Massaro and Norton (2021).

  32. 32.

    But see Tushnet (2021) (arguing that in fact the U.S. First Amendment doctrine as it stands is flexible enough to accommodate all the suggested responses).

  33. 33.

    Wu (2018), p. 568.

  34. 34.

    Redeker et al. (2018).

  35. 35.

    Constitution of Mexico 1917 (rev. 2015), Constitution of Sudan (2019), Constitution of Georgia 1995 (rev. 2018).

  36. 36.

    Constitution of Greece.

  37. 37.

    Constitution of Ecuador 2008 (rev. 2021), Articles 16.2 and 384.

  38. 38.

    Freedom House (2019) Freedom House gives the country the score of 4/6 in the relevant category.

  39. 39.

    The Guardian (2015).

  40. 40.

    The Associated Press (2019).

  41. 41.

    IMF (2018), p. 74.

  42. 42.

    E.g. Funke et al. (2016) (finding that polarisation in politics and the vote share of far-right parties increases after financial crises) and Tooze (2018), pp. 564–599 (tracing the connection from the 2008 financial crisis to the election of Donald Trump as US president).

  43. 43.

    E.g. Contiades (2013).

  44. 44.

    Elster (1995), Ackerman (2015).

  45. 45.

    Ackerman (1991), p. 5. But see e.g. Sajó (2005), p. 243 (noting that “the vast majority” of constitutions does not originate in such moments).

  46. 46.

    Contiades (2013).

  47. 47.

    Id.

  48. 48.

    See Democratic Decay & Renewal (2021).

  49. 49.

    In the process of case-selection, we reviewed the freedom of expression clauses of all the European constitutions coded in the Constitute database (https://www.constituteproject.org/) and reviewed in full all European constitutions amended after 2008, with a view of identifying specific clauses on Internet speech. We are therefore confident that no essential case is left out of the sample of three. Georgia warrants special attention as its Constitution, amended in 2018, guarantees Internet access. However, serious concerns have been expressed as to the democratic qualities of the amendment process, warranting its exclusion from this study, see Venice Commission (2017).

  50. 50.

    Bibler (2010).

  51. 51.

    Oddsson and Mathiesen (2008), p. 1.

  52. 52.

    See Árnason and Dupré (2021) for accounts in English from many of the central actors in the story.

  53. 53.

    E.g. Tushnet (2016), Elster (2016), Meuwese (2013), Landemore (2014).

  54. 54.

    Supreme Court of Iceland: Ákvörðun Hæstaréttar vegna kosningar til stjórnlagaþings [Decision of the Supreme Court Regarding Elections to the Constitutional Assembly] 25 January 2011.

  55. 55.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011a).

  56. 56.

    E.g. Lessig (2016).

  57. 57.

    Gylfason and Meuwese (2017).

  58. 58.

    Gunnarsson (2019).

  59. 59.

    Hagstofa Íslands (2010).

  60. 60.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011a).

  61. 61.

    Þórhallsson (2011a).

  62. 62.

    Þórhallsson (2011b).

  63. 63.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011a), p. 54.

  64. 64.

    Id.

  65. 65.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), p. 387 (Mr. Vilhjálmur Þorsteinsson), p. 394 (Ms. Katrín Oddsdóttir).

  66. 66.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), p. 388 (Mr. Þorkell Helgason), pp. 390–391 (Mr. Erlingur Sigurðarson), p. 483 (Mr. Ómar Ragnarsson).

  67. 67.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), pp. 388, 402, 551.

  68. 68.

    This emphasis on negative obligations is sometimes lost in discussions about the Council’s proposals. For example, the main Wikipedia entry on “The 2010–2013 Icelandic constitutional reform ‘lists’ obliging the state to provide Internet access to all citizens” as among the important proposals of the Council, see Wikipedia (2021).

  69. 69.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), p. 394 (Ms. Katrín Oddsdóttir).

  70. 70.

    For an assessment of the Arab Spring some 10 years later see Feldman (2020).

  71. 71.

    See generally e.g. Perisly and Tucker (2020).

  72. 72.

    Althingi (2012a), p. 72.

  73. 73.

    Althingi (2012b).

  74. 74.

    Althingi (2012c), on Article 16.

  75. 75.

    Id.

  76. 76.

    Lenihan and Honohan (2010).

  77. 77.

    Farrell et al. (2017), p. 121.

  78. 78.

    Dáil Éireann (2012).

  79. 79.

    Blokker (2017), p. 46.

  80. 80.

    Farrell et al. (2017), p. 120.

  81. 81.

    Farrell et al. (2017), pp. 124–130.

  82. 82.

    Blokker (2017), p. 51, Farrell et al. (2017), p. 131 (claiming that “As a process, the Irish Constitutional Convention was a great success,” while the assessment is less clear in terms of outcomes.) See also Suteu (2015) (highlighting both positive and negative aspects).

  83. 83.

    Carolan (2015).

  84. 84.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  85. 85.

    O’Mahony (2012), cited in Carolan (2015), p 739.

  86. 86.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  87. 87.

    House of the Oireachtas (2008), p. 69.

  88. 88.

    Public Submissions to the Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  89. 89.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  90. 90.

    Fry’s statements included: “The god that created this universe, if it was created by a god, is quite clearly a maniac, utter maniac, totally selfish.”

  91. 91.

    Referendum Commission (2019).

  92. 92.

    House of the Oireachtas (2008), p. 73.

  93. 93.

    Humanist Association of Ireland (2014) and Atheist Ireland (2014).

  94. 94.

    Id.

  95. 95.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  96. 96.

    See generally Dixon and Landau (2021).

  97. 97.

    Act No. 30/1999, Lov om styrking av. menneskerettighetenes stilling i norsk rett (Menneskerettsloven).

  98. 98.

    Bårdsen (2016), p. 4.

  99. 99.

    Kierulf (2018), p. 239.

  100. 100.

    Id, p. 240.

  101. 101.

    Id, pp. 239–240.

  102. 102.

    Id, p. 240.

  103. 103.

    Id, pp. 242–243.

  104. 104.

    Constitution of the Kingdom of Norway 1814 (rev. 2020), Chapter E (human rights).

  105. 105.

    Kunngjøring av Grunnlovsbestemmelse om endring av Grunnloven § 100, FOR-2004-10-29-1402.

  106. 106.

    Menneskerettighetsutvalget [Human Rights Committee] (2011), p. 160.

  107. 107.

    Id, pp. 161–163.

  108. 108.

    Id.

  109. 109.

    Id, pp. 159–163.

  110. 110.

    NOU (1999).

  111. 111.

    Id, pp. 70–72.

  112. 112.

    Id, p. 70.

  113. 113.

    Id, p. 71.

  114. 114.

    Id, p. 72.

  115. 115.

    Id, p. 71.

  116. 116.

    Constitution of the Kingdom of Norway 1814 (rev. 2020), Article 100, para. 2, sentence 1. (Emphasis added).

  117. 117.

    NOU (1999), p 249.

  118. 118.

    Id, pp. 88 and 249–250.

  119. 119.

    Id, p. 249.

  120. 120.

    Id, p. 250.

  121. 121.

    Ministry of Culture (2020).

  122. 122.

    Id.

  123. 123.

    Ytringsfrihetskommisjonen (2021).

  124. 124.

    De Gregorio (2021).

  125. 125.

    Ghosh (2019).

  126. 126.

    Cited in Douek (2021), p. 765.

  127. 127.

    Hofverberg (2021). We should stress the inclusion of the word “almost” in this sentence.

  128. 128.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011a), pp. 46–48.

  129. 129.

    Sérfræðingahópur (2012), p. 7.

  130. 130.

    Althingi (2012b, c).

  131. 131.

    Menneskerettighetsutvalget [Human Rights Committee] (2011), p. 46.

  132. 132.

    Id.

  133. 133.

    Gardbaum (2003).

  134. 134.

    Althingi (2012a), p. 43.

  135. 135.

    CJEU: CJEU, Case C-18/18, Eva Glawischnig-Piesczek v. Facebook Ireland Limited, ECLI:EU:C:2019:821.

  136. 136.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014) (setting out as annexes presentations from legal experts).

  137. 137.

    Althingi (2012c).

  138. 138.

    ECHR, Article 53.

  139. 139.

    Venice Commission (2012).

  140. 140.

    Elster (2016).

  141. 141.

    NOU (1999), pp. 197–238, Menneskerettighetsutvalget [Human Rights Committee] (2011), pp. 34–39.

  142. 142.

    Helgadóttir (2014).

  143. 143.

    The Convention on the Constitution (2014).

  144. 144.

    Dixon and Landau (2021).

  145. 145.

    See e.g. Choudhry and Tushnet (2020), Democratic Constitutional Design (2021).

  146. 146.

    On that topic see e.g. Tushnet (2008).

  147. 147.

    Carolan (2015).

  148. 148.

    See Elster (2016), p. 197.

  149. 149.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011a), p. 54 (attributing the view that access to the Internet has been “defined as a human right” to the UNHCHR, while, in fact the cited report of a UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression does not go so far, although certainly highlighting the importance of access to the Internet for rights enjoyment, see UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression (2011).

  150. 150.

    Scheppele (2008), p. 1379.

  151. 151.

    E.g. Skach (2005).

  152. 152.

    To be clear, the Irish Convention also addressed very contemporary problems, including abortion and same-sex marriage.

  153. 153.

    On the endurance of constitutions generally see Elkins et al. (2009).

  154. 154.

    NOU (1999).

  155. 155.

    Constitution of the Kingdom of Norway 1814 (rev. 2020), Article 100.

  156. 156.

    For one version of a broad indeterminacy thesis associated with critical legal studies see Tushnet (1996).

  157. 157.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), p. 388 (Mr. Þorkell Helgason), pp. 390–391 (Mr. Erlingur Sigurðarson), p. 483 (Mr. Ómar Ragnarsson).

  158. 158.

    Elkins et al. (2009).

  159. 159.

    See generally Scheppele (2008).

  160. 160.

    Stjórnlagaráð [Constitutional Council] (2011b), p. 394 (Ms. Katrín Oddsdóttir).

  161. 161.

    The classic analysis of “unintended consequences,” including their sources, is Merton (1936).

  162. 162.

    Jefferson (1789).

  163. 163.

    E.g. the Federalist Papers: No. 49 (1788).

  164. 164.

    Elkins et al. (2009), p. 18.

  165. 165.

    Fontaine (2020), interviewing activist/lawyer Helga Baldvins Bjargardóttir (“Of course, it’s not perfect. It’s supposed to be a living instrument.”).

  166. 166.

    Lansberg-Rodriguez (2010). Incidentally, the neologism “wiki-constitutionalism” has no relationship to the kind of crowdsourcing associated with Wikipedia but describes the tendency of constant rewriting of constitutions practiced in some states, especially in Latin America.

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Ragnarsson, K.H. (2022). Internet Platforms and Freedom of Expression in Constitution-Making. In: Hindelang, S., Moberg, A. (eds) YSEC Yearbook of Socio-Economic Constitutions 2021. YSEC Yearbook of Socio-Economic Constitutions, vol 2021. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/16495_2021_37

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