1968–1974: Social Movements, Social Systems and the Black Mafia

Part of the Studies of Organized Crime book series (SOOC, volume 2)


Police Officer Social Movement Organize Crime Black Panther Party Congressional District 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.


Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.


  1. 1.
    The percentages of the African-American population residing in urban areas were the following: 1940 — less than 50%; 1950 — 62%; 1960 — 73%; and 1965 — 80%. John P. Crank, “Crime and Justice in the Context of resource Scarcity,” Crime, Law and Social Change, forthcoming 2003. According to Crank, the estimates for the number of African-Americans out-migrating from the South by time period were 1930–1940: 348,000; 1940–1960: 3,054,000; 1960–1970: 613,000.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    Roger Lane, “Black Philadelphia, then and now,” The Public Interest, Summer 1992, p. 50.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 101.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    William Julius Wilson, “Studying Inner-City Social Dislocations: The Challenge of Public Agenda Research,” American Sociological Review, vol. 56, pp. 1–14, cited in James F. Short, Jr., Poverty, Ethnicity and Violent Crime (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), p. 54.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    See Frances Piven and Richard Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), pp. 216–217.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged, p. 3. Wilson documented the particular case of black male unemployment in relation to the rate for white men over the same period. He notes, p. 82, “the labor-force participation rate of white men declined from 82 percent in 1940 to 76 percent in 1980... Labor-force participation of white men ages twenty-four and under actually increased” from 1970–1980. The labor-force participation of black men also declined, though more substantially, from 84 percent in 1940 to 67 percent in 1980. For black males, participation in the labor force fell below that of white men for all age groups by 1970, “with particularly steep declines for those ages twenty-four and younger.”Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    Ibid., p. 46.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
  9. 10.
    John Hadley Strange, “Blacks and Philadelphia Politics: 1963–1966,” in Miriam Ershkowitz and Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973), p. 110.Google Scholar
  10. 11.
    Stephan Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), p. 87.Google Scholar
  11. 12.
    Abigail Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997) Ibid., p. 207.Google Scholar
  12. 13.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Strange p. 126.Google Scholar
  13. 14.
    Jon C. Teaford, The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), p. 142.Google Scholar
  14. 15.
    Ibid., p. 153.Google Scholar
  15. 16.
    Ibid., p. 142.Google Scholar
  16. 17.
    U.S. Department of Justice, Census of Prisoners in State Correctional Facilities, 1973 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1976), p. 167.Google Scholar
  17. 18.
    Ibid. In 1972, Philadelphia registered 413 homicides. 342 of these were African-Americans, and of these victims, 81.4% of their murderers were black. 54.5% of the city’s 5,294 robbery victims in 1972 were African-American.Google Scholar
  18. 19.
    David Remnick, King of the World (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 158.Google Scholar
  19. 20.
    Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989), p. 3.Google Scholar
  20. 21.
    Gary B. Nash and Richard Weiss (eds.), The Great Fear: Race in the Mind of America (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), p. iii.Google Scholar
  21. 22.
    Tamar Jacoby, Someone Else’s House: America’s Unfinished Struggle for Integration (New York: Basic Books, 1998), p. 109. For a more detailed examination of the attitudes and behavior of African-American teens in Philadelphia, particularly regarding crime and black militancy, see Michael Lalli and Leonard Savitz, Delinquency and City Life (Washington, DC: Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, January 1972).Google Scholar
  22. 23.
    Joe R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities (New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1973), p. 93.Google Scholar
  23. 24.
    Harlan Hahn, Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities (New York: MacMillan Publishing, 1973), p. 93 Ibid.Google Scholar
  24. 25.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Strange, p. 143.Google Scholar
  25. 26.
    Alexis Moore, “Forces of Change: Millenium Philadelphia: The Last 100 Years,” Inquirer Magazine, July 18, 1999.Google Scholar
  26. 28.
    Joseph Boskin, Urban Racial Violence in the Twentieth Century second edition (Beverly Hills, California: Glencoe Press, 1976), p. 159. Boskin (p. 152) believed the riots and related efforts signified “the most important underclass revolt in recent American history.” Furthermore, he (p. 169) argued the: spontaneous outbursts, the collective actions, and the consensual attitudes of blacks and browns highlighted the failure of American society to recognize the problems in racial minority groups in the cities. The events stemmed not only from the traditions imposed by a racist mentality but also from the ambiguous attitudes of the majority toward the city itself. The enormity of the failure led to one of the most intense social crises in American society in the twentieth century. For an analysis of the numerous government responses to the riots, see Feagin and Hahn, pp. 199–262.Google Scholar
  27. 29.
    The survey was conducted for the National Crime Commission. Jennie McIntyre, “Public Attitudes Toward Crime and Law Enforcement,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CCCLXXIV (November, 1967), pp. 34–46, cited in John A. Gardiner, The Politics of Corruption: Organized Crime in an American City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1970), p. 35.Google Scholar
  28. 30.
    Teaford, 146.Google Scholar
  29. 31.
    Pennsylvania Crime Commission, Report on Police Corruption and the Quality of Law Enforcement in Philadelphia (St. David’s, PA: PCC, 1974), quoted in the Committee of Seventy, Philadelphia Police Department Governance Study (Philadelphia, PA: Committee of Seventy, 1998). A concise synopsis of the PCC’s findings can be found in Gary W. Potter and Philip Jenkins, The City and the Syndicate: Organizing Crime in Philadelphia (Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn Custom Publishers, 1985), p. 105.Google Scholar
  30. 33.
    Committee of Seventy, Philadelphia Police Department Governance Study, p. 4.Google Scholar
  31. 34.
  32. 35.
  33. 36.
    Ibid. Also see Jerome H. Skolnick and James J. Fyfe, Above the Law: Police and the Excessive Use of Force (New York: Free Press, 1993).Google Scholar
  34. 37.
    S.A. Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo: The Last Big Man in Big City America (Philadelphia, Camino Books, 1993), p. 96.Google Scholar
  35. 38.
    Kenneth O’Reilly, Racial Matters: The FBI’s Secret File on Black America, 1960–1972 (New York: The Free Press, 1989), pp. 280–281.Google Scholar
  36. 39.
    According to Black Panther Party founder Bobby Seale, the tally for his group’s violent past was “28 members dead; 68 wounded; 14 police officers dead.” Dean E. Murphy, Graying Black Panthers Fight Would-Be Heirs,” The New York Times, October 8, 2002. At the time the article was written, eight BPP members were still in prison.Google Scholar
  37. 40.
    Linda Loyd, “Mannequin Tells the Story at Trial in Officer’s 1970 Slaying,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, October 29, 1997, Local, p. B05.Google Scholar
  38. 41.
    Dave Racher, “Innocent Plea in’ 70 Cop-Killing: ‘Evidence Illegal,’ Lawyer Says,” Philadelphia Daily News, July 20, 1996, Local, p. 8.Google Scholar
  39. 42.
    Two of the defendants had attorneys with Black Mafia connections. Frederick Burton was represented by Cecil Moore, discussed in Chapter 5. Jim Smith, “5 Years in Solitary Nets Killer $6,700,” Philadelphia Daily News, November 30, 1982, Local, p. 3. Another defendant in the case, Richard Thomas, was represented at various times by Black Mafia attorneys Joel Moldovsky and Nino Tinari. Linda Loyd, “Phila. Jury Acquits Fugitive in Slaying of Sgt. Von Colln,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, November 4, 1997, Local, p. A01.Google Scholar
  40. 43.
    Paolantonio, p. 102.Google Scholar
  41. 44.
  42. 45.
  43. 46.
    As cited in Paolantonio, p. 102.Google Scholar
  44. 47.
    Rizzo was again the Republican nominee for Mayor (against Democrat Ed Rendell) before dying of a heart attack on July 16, 1991. His 1991 campaign was similar to those he had run before, focusing largely on crime-related issues. In particular, he focused on the crack cocaine dilemma in minority sections of the city. Ironically, much of his support in the’ 91 campaign came from his former detractors. For instance, the Reverend Eugene Graves helped organize “North Philadelphia Against Rizzo” in 1971 and 1975, and yet hosted Rizzo’s last political meeting in 1991 because the “black community was in disarray” and Frank Rizzo was someone “we couldtrust.” Paolantonio, p. 369.Google Scholar
  45. 48.
    Ibid., pp. 134–136.Google Scholar
  46. 49.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Strange, p. 111.Google Scholar
  47. 50.
    Alan A. Block and Sean Patrick Griffin, “The Teamsters, The White House, The Labor Department: A Commentary on the Politics of Organized Crime,” Crime, Law and Social Change, vol. 27, no. 1 (1997), p. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  48. 51.
    Robert N.C. (Nelson Cornelius) Nix Sr. began his career as a lawyer in 1925, and gained a reputation as an excellent criminal attorney. He first became active in Democratic politics in1932. Nix was first elected to represent Philadelphia’s 4th Congressional District (then-North Philadelphia) in May of 1958, becoming Pennsylvania’s first African-American Congressman. Nix defeated Cecil Moore handily to secure the seat. At the time, there were three other African-Americans in Congress — William L. Dawson, Illinois; Charles C. Diggs Jr., Michigan; and Adam Clayton Powell Jr., New York. Diggs, Powell and Nix later successfully thwarted a Congressional probe into the Nation of Islam in 1962. Among other actions Nix wrote aletter in support of the Nation. The letter stated Elijah Muhammad’s teachings on liberty and freedom “were consistent with statements by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and other founders of this republic.” Quoted in Karl Evanzz, The Messenger: The Rise and Fall of Elijah Muhammad (New York: Pantheon Books, 1999), pp. 251–253. Nix served in Congress from 1958 to 1978, when he lost his congressional seat to William H. Gray 3d, despite campaigning extensively with Muhammad Ali. Moore and Nix started out as adversaries in the early 1960s, but later joined forces in the late 1960s/early 1970s. In 1985, the federal courthouse at Ninth and Chestnut Streets was named in Nix’s honor. He remained active in local politics until his death in June of 1987. See Michael E. Ruane and Edward Colimore, “Ex-Rep. Robert N.C. Nix Dies at 88,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 23, 1987, p. A01; Tyree Johnson, “Ex-Rep.Nix, ‘Pathfinder,’ Dead at 88: He Pavedthe Way for Black Politicians,” Philadelphia Daily News, June 23, 1987, p.4; and Claude Lewis, “Got Things Done: Nix Was Always Open to His Constituents,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 24, 1987, p. A15.Google Scholar
  49. 52.
    Interestingly, Cecil Moore did “not come from ghetto stock.” Rather, he “was born in West Virginia to a family of college graduates. His father was a doctor and a ‘community leader’.” Paul Lermack, “Cecil Moore and the Philadelphia Branch of the National Association of Colored People: The Politics of Negro Pressure Group Organization,” in Miriam Ershkowitz and Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973), p. 146. Moore’s life and achievements have been chronicled by both print and television media since his death on February 13, 1979. See, for example, the PBS documentary “Cecil B. Moore,” which first airedon Philadelphia’s WHYY on February 25, 1987. Two of his more heralded achievements include the banning of blackface in the city’s Mummers (New Year’s Day) Parade in1964, and the desegregation of Philadelphia’s Girard College in 1968. In 1987, Philadelphia City Council changed the name of Columbia Avenue from Broad to 33rd Streets to Cecil B. Moore Avenue.Google Scholar
  50. 53.
    Acel Moore, “Statue Brings to Mind Stature of Cecil B. Moore,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, February 2, 1999.Google Scholar
  51. 54.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Lermack, p. 158.Google Scholar
  52. 55.
    See, for example, Herbert Lowe, “Cecil B. Moore to join Great Blacks in Wax,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 29, 1999; and John Hadley Strange, “Blacks and Philadelphia Politics: 1963–1966,” in Ershkowitz and Zikmund, p. 112.Google Scholar
  53. 56.
    Acel Moore, “Under Mondesire, NAAC Phasrisen from the shadows,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, October 12, 2000.Google Scholar
  54. 57.
    Zikmund Strange, p. 112–112.Google Scholar
  55. 58.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Lermack, pp. 147–148.Google Scholar
  56. 59.
    Joseph Zikmund II (eds.), Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, Inc. Publishers, 1973) Lermack p. 148. Lermack is quoting The New York Times, August 15, 1963, p.1. 60Google Scholar
  57. 60.
    Jacoby Jacoby is quoting a Time magazine article dated July 15, 1966.Google Scholar
  58. 61.
    Hanna Lees, “Philadelphia, Pa.: A Process of Fragmentation,” Reporter XXIX (July 4, 1963), p. 20, cited in Lermack, p.152.Google Scholar
  59. 62.
    “The Tribute That Melted an Iron Warrior to Tears,” Philadelphia Daily News, April 6, 1978, Local, n.p.Google Scholar
  60. 63.
    The Pennsylvania Guardian, June 7, 1963, p. 3.Google Scholar
  61. 64.
    Paolantonio, p. 90.Google Scholar
  62. 65.
    Ibid., p. 113.Google Scholar
  63. 66.
    “Councilman Cecil B. Moore, 63, Dead,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 13, 1979, Local, p. 3. Moore was 63.Google Scholar
  64. 67.
    Frank Dougherty and John F. Morrison, “Civil Rights Activist Stanley Branche Dies,” Philadelphia Daily News, December 24, 1992.Google Scholar
  65. 68.
    Ron Goldwyn, “A Foot in the Door and a Hand in Everything,” Philadelphia Daily News, June 15, 1988, Local, p. 5.Google Scholar
  66. 69.
    See, for example, Gaeton Fonzi, “The Man from M.O.X.I.E.,” Philadelphia Magazine, July 1970, pp 63–65, 126–133, 136–139.Google Scholar
  67. 70.
    Laura Murray, “Coxson, 2 Pals Rapped Here Last Night,” The Evening Bulletin, June 8, 1973, p. 3.Google Scholar
  68. 71.
    Fonzi, p. 139.Google Scholar
  69. 72.
    Claude Lewis, “A Requiem for Stanley Branche, Card, Character and Bon Vivant,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, December 28, 1992, Local, p. A13.Google Scholar
  70. 73.
    Steven A. Marquez, “Foglietta-Tayoun Rerun Could Be a Weak Copy,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 12, 1986, p. E8.Google Scholar
  71. 74.
    Chuck Stone, “Stanley Branche’s American Dream,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 14, 1980, Local, p. 2. Major Coxson had an ironic take on programs such as the MBE’s utilized by Branche: “The Negro has it made today. He can get all the money he wants as long as he’sBlack... But there was no federal money to fool around with when I started out.” Fonzi, “The Man from M.O.X.I.E.”, p. 130.Google Scholar
  72. 75.
    Maida Odom, “Kunstler Sues Over May Siege: Seeks Two Probes of MOVE Siege,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 8, 1985, p. B01.Google Scholar
  73. 76.
    Ron Goldwyn, “He’s Branched Out A Lot Since Civil Rights Era,” Philadelphia Daily News, April 18, 1986, p. 8.Google Scholar
  74. 77.
    Jim Smith, “Mob Role Brings Stanley Branche 5 Years,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 21, 1989, Local, p. 4. Also indicted in the case was John Ciancaglini, son of “mob captain” Joseph Ciancaglini.Google Scholar
  75. 78.
    Linda Loyd, “Branche Not at Meeting, Friend Says,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 13, 1989, p. B01.Google Scholar
  76. 79.
    Tyree Johnson, “Prosecutor: Duo ‘Were No Robin Hoods’,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 13, 1989, p. 28.Google Scholar
  77. 80.
    Robert F. Simone, The Last Mouthpiece: The Man Who Dared to Defend the Mob (Philadelphia: Camino Books, 2001), p. 65.Google Scholar
  78. 81.
    One of the cases Branche and Lacy worked was the June 5, 1972 Altemose — Philadelphia Area Building and Construction Trades and Council “dispute”. Leon Altemose, a non-union builder, was constructing a large project involving a Sheraton Hotel just outside of Philadelphia. Over 1,000 union men, led by Roofers Union Local 30 president John McCullough and Council president Thomas McGrann, picketed the site. The protest turned quickly to vandalism, and before long the pieces of the partially developed hotel were damaged and many pieces of construction equipment were set on fire. McCullough contacted Simone to defend 23 union members charged in the incident, and Simone enlisted two other high-profile defense attorneys as co-counsel, Cecil B. Moore and Charles Peruto, Sr. Branche and Lacy served as investigators for the defense team. Ibid., pp. 63–65.Google Scholar
  79. 82.
    Ron Avery, “Stanley Branche is Simone’s Defense,” Philadelphia Daily News, April 17, 1986, p. 10; and Jane M. Von Bergen, “Simone Jury is Told of Advice That Branche Gave to Mob Associate,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, p. B12. Branche also testified on Simone’s behalf when he was acquitted of federal income tax evasion charges.Google Scholar
  80. 83.
    Jim Smith, “Simone Guilty: Feds Finally Nail Simone,” Philadelphia Daily News, December 16, 1992, Local, p. 4.Google Scholar
  81. 84.
    Jim Smith, “Simone Sentenced to 4 Years,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 4, 1993, p. 5.Google Scholar
  82. 85.
    Linda Loyd, “Drug Dealer: Branche Was at Meeting,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 12, 1989, p. B01. Recently, defense attorney Robert F. Simone has written that he, Branche and Botsaris spent an evening gambling at the Golden Nugget Casino in Atlantic City, New Jersey. It is unclear when this took place, however, though it appears 1982 is likely. Simone, p. 142.Google Scholar
  83. 86.
    Lewis, “A Requiem for Stanley Branche,” p. A13.Google Scholar
  84. 87.
    Emile Lounsberry, “Stanley Branche is Charged: Ex-Activist Cited in Extortion Case,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 15, 1988, p. B01.Google Scholar
  85. 88.
    Barbara J. Richtberg, “Gus ‘Mr. Silk’ Lacy, Popular Club Owner,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 19, 1995, p. D11.Google Scholar
  86. 89.
    Bill Thompson, “Black Café Society: Lamenting a Dearth of Nightlife Alternatives,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, March 4, 1982, p. E01.Google Scholar
  87. 90.
    Elmer Smith, “‘Mr. Silk’ Was Family’s Loving Boss, Right To The End,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 19, 1995, p. 8.Google Scholar
  88. 91.
    Toni Loci, “‘Close to Nick’: Mob Trial Witness Says Ex-Rights Activist a Scarfo Associate,” Philadelphia Daily News, October 19, 1988, Local, p. 12.Google Scholar
  89. 92.
    Richtberg, p. D11.Google Scholar
  90. 93.
    “Stanley Branche’s American Dream,” StoneGoogle Scholar
  91. 94.
    United States of America v. Lonnie Dawson, a/k/a “Abdul Salim”, William Roy Hoskins, a/k/a “Muhammad Waliyud-Din”, Robert Hardwick, a/k/a “Fareed Abdul Shakoor”, Criminal No. 82-00128-01, 82-00128-02, 82-00128-03, United States District Court for the Eastern District Court of Pennsylvania, 556 F. Supp. 418; 1982 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 16787; 12 Fed R. Evid. Serv. (Callaghan) 353, December 21, 1982, p. 5.Google Scholar
  92. 95.
    Mike Leary, “Mullen, 2 Other Incumbents in City Trail for PA. House,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 19, 1982, p. A07.Google Scholar
  93. 96.
    Russell Cooke and Carol Horner, “Rizzo and Goode Thank the Troops and Downplay Race,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 13, 1983, p. B04; and Earni Young, “Crowd Threatens Rizzo,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 13, 1983, p. 3.Google Scholar
  94. 97.
    Maria Gallagher, “Long-Shot Candidate is Fired Up,” Philadelphia Daily News, April 21, 1986.Google Scholar
  95. 98.
    Michael E. Ruane, “W. Phila. Bar Paid No Sales Tax for 10 Years, Prosecutor Says,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, August 18, 1983, p. B12. Lacy’s wife, Virgina Edith Lacy, was a formal partner in the establishment.Google Scholar
  96. 99.
    Bob Warner, “City Ads Up Its Top 20 Tax Delinquents,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 22, 1990. p. 8.Google Scholar
  97. 101.
    Claude Lewis, “Saying Goodbye to ‘Mr. Silk’ — They All Remember Him Fondly,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 22, 1995, p. A11.Google Scholar
  98. 102.
    Jim Smith, “Numbers Writer Awaits,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 8, 1979, p. 18.Google Scholar
  99. 103.
    “Foo-Foo Ragan Given 3 Years,” December 11, 1979, Local, p. 14, n.a.Google Scholar
  100. 104.
    Strike Force’s “Intelligence Summary, Black Organized Crime — Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,” n.d., p. 14.Google Scholar
  101. 105.
    ODALE Intelligence Report, September, 1972.Google Scholar
  102. 106.
    ODALE Intelligence Report, October, 1972.Google Scholar
  103. 107.
    Strike Force’s “Intelligence Summary, Black Organized Crime — Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,” n.d., p. 14.Google Scholar
  104. 108.
    “The Tribute That Melted an Iron Warrior to Tears.”Google Scholar
  105. 109.
    Dave Racher, “Prominent Lawyer Suspended,” Philadelphia Daily News, July 15, 1981, Local, p. 8. One of Johnson’s biggest cases was the defense of MOVE member Consuela Dotson (Africa) in the August 8, 1978 death of police officer James Ramp. Dotson was convicted of conspiracy to commit murder in 1980, and was sentenced to ten-to-twenty years in prison in February of 1982.Google Scholar
  106. 110.
    Michael Sokolove, “Time Seems Suspended for Benched Lawyer,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 25, 1982, Local, p. 14.Google Scholar
  107. 111.
    Jill Porter, “How a Fixer Operates,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 15, 1988, p. 7.Google Scholar
  108. 112.
    Joe O’Dowd and Maria Gallagher, “Lawyer Arrested on Morals Charge,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 23, 1983, Local, p. 7.Google Scholar
  109. 113.
    Maria Gallagher, “Lawyer Arrested on Morals Charge,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 23, 1983, Local Ibid., p. 7. The incident occurred in February 1983 in Denker’s law office in the Land Title Building, Broad and Chestnut Sts. Though Denker admitted he paid off officials to secure an acquittal, the facts of the case are not clear. The allegations were that Denker gave $100 to a 34-year-old mother, one of his clients, to buy her 12 year-old daughter a dress. He then supposedly asked the girl to strip naked and try on the dress, and she complied.Google Scholar
  110. 114.
    Dave Racher, “Lawyer Innocent of Corrupting Girl,” Philadelphia Daily News, June 3, 1983, Local, p. 6.Google Scholar
  111. 115.
    Toni Loci and Jim Smith, “Judge-Case Witness: I Paid 10G Bribe,” Philadelphia Daily News, October 22, 1987, Local, p. 20.Google Scholar
  112. 116.
    See In the Matter of Disbarment of Barry Howard Denker, No. D-745, Supreme Court of the United States, 488 U.S. 963; 109 S. Ct. 487; 102 L. ed. 2d 524; 1988 U.S. LEXIS 5280, November 28, 1988; and In the Matter of Disbarment of Barry Howard Denker, No. D-745, Supreme Court of the United States, 489 U.S. 1004; 109 S. Ct.1107; 103 L. Ed. 2d 172; 1989 U.S. Lexis 625, February 21, 1989.Google Scholar
  113. 117.
    Toni Locy, “He Couldn’t Leave the Limelight: Witness in ‘Hiding’ Sought Publicity,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 12, 1988, p. 6.Google Scholar
  114. 118.
    Alfred Lubrano, “Barry Denker, 53, Exiled Lawyer,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, March 5, 1996, Local, p. B05.Google Scholar
  115. 120.
    Nix, son of prominent Philadelphia politician Robert N.C. Nix Sr., was appointed to the Philadelphia bar in 1956. He was elected a Common Pleas Court judge in 1967, and became the first African-American to serve on the state Supreme Court in 1972. In January of 1984, Nix became the first African-American chief justicein the nation. He held his position until his July 31, 1996 retirement. See Gene Seymour, “Robert N.C. Nix Jr.: The Son Also Rises,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 15, 1983, p. 20; Christopher Hepp, “No Nixing for Nix: Justice’s Triumph,” Philadelphia Daily News, November 4, 1981, p. 4; and Joseph R. Daughen, “In Retiring, Nix Isn’t Shy,” Philadelphia Daily News, July 31, 1996.Google Scholar
  116. 121.
    Toni Locy, “Lawyer: Judge Harris Fee Based on Cocaine,” Philadelphia Daily News, October 3, 1987, Local, p. 3.Google Scholar
  117. 122.
    Locy. “‘Heroin Kingpin’.”Google Scholar
  118. 123.
    See United States of America v. Kenneth S. Harris, et al., Criminal No. 87-296, United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 1987 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 10975, November 24, 1987.Google Scholar
  119. 124.
    Toni Locy, “Harris Accused of ‘Cesspool Justice’,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 23, 1988, Local, p. 4.Google Scholar
  120. 125.
    Toni Locy, “New Twist at Harris Trial,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 4, 1988, p. 4. In addition to the fourteen cases in the immediate prosecution, Harris had been suspended from the bench in 1986 for accepting money from the Roofers Union Local 30 in 1985.Google Scholar
  121. 126.
    Toni Locy, “Off the Bench & Into the Game: 6 Judges Slated as Witnesses in Judicial Corruption Trial,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 6, 1988, p. 10.Google Scholar
  122. 127.
    Harris was later convicted of similar charges arising form the fixing of cases. See Jim Smith, “Judge Gets More Time,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 23, 1991, p. 10.Google Scholar
  123. 128.
    Joseph R. Daughen, “Live-Wire Attorney,” Philadelphia Daily News, October 16, 1987, Local, p. 38. Denker also testified that African-American judges had a “strong pipeline” to State Supreme Court Justice Robert N.C. Nix Jr. Toni Locy, “Denker: Bribes Widespread,” Philadelphia Daily News, January 16, 1988, Local, p. 3.Google Scholar
  124. 129.
    In addition to the other citations for this narrative, see United States of America v. Kenneth S. Harris, Romaine G. Phillips, Matthias Brown, a/k/a “Sonny”, Criminal No. 87-00296, United States District Court for the Eastern District Court of Pennsylvania, 700 F. Supp. 226; 1988 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 1881, March 14, 1988.Google Scholar
  125. 130.
    See, for example, Dave Racher, “Three’s Company: Mob Figures Chat, Let Their Lawyers do the Arguing,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 29, 1984, p. 5; Toni Locy, “Merlino Turns Informant on Ex-Boss Scarfo,” Philadelphia Daily News, May 9, 1989, p. 5; and Emilie Lounsberry, “Leonetti Says He Defected from Mob for His Son’s Sake, ”The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 9, 1990, p. A01.Google Scholar
  126. 131.
    Kitty Caparella, “JBM Lab Figure Given 21 Yrs.,” Philadelphia Daily News, September 8, 1989, p. 4.Google Scholar
  127. 132.
    Emile Lounsberry, “Defense Lawyer Faces Charges of Tax Evasion,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, December 18, 1991, Local, p. B01.Google Scholar
  128. 133.
    Henry Goldman and Emile Lounsberry, “Tinari Pleads Guilty to Tax Evasion,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, February 25, 1992, Local, p. B01.Google Scholar
  129. 134.
    Emile Lounsberry, “Noted Defense Lawyer is Given Year in Tax Case,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, July 18, 1992, Local, p. B01.Google Scholar
  130. 135.
    Strike Force’s “Intelligence Summary, Black Organized Crime —Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,” n.d., p. 14.Google Scholar
  131. 136.
    Nels Nelson, “It Paysto Court,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 11, 1980, Local, p. 8. Muldovsky defended such infamous defendants as Philadelphia cop-killers Pedro Vega (convicted of the shooting of Sgt. Ralph Galdi) and Alan Ginn (convicted along with his brother Tucker of the shooting of Officer Charles Knox Jr.). See Dave Racher, “Vega ‘Happy’ To Get Life,” Philadelphia Daily News, November 29, 1986, p. 3; and Racher, “2 To Stand Trial in Cop Killing: Brothers Admit Shooting Knox, Partner,” Philadelphia Daily News, February 12, 1993, p. 6.Google Scholar
  132. 137.
    Daniel R. Biddle and L. Stuart Ditzen, “As A Watchdog, Penna. Supreme Court Lacks Bite,” The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 17, 1983, Local, p. A15.Google Scholar
  133. 138.
    Strike Force’s “Intelligence Summary, Black Organized Crime — Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,” n.d., p. 14.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Kluwer Academic Publishers 2003

Personalised recommendations