Abstract
The continuing controversy over Leibniz’s association with Rosicrucianism points to the difficulty of scholarly investigation of societies that were determinedly secret.1 However, as each new volume of the collected works appears, the evidence of his lifelong interest in Rosicrucian-style science (especially kabbalistic mathematics and Hermetic chemistry) makes it harder to avoid the issue. Though Leibniz apparently became convinced in the 1690’s that the fraternity described in the Fama Fraternitatas (1614) was a fiction, he nevertheless believed that its goals could be implemented in an actual society.2 From his unusual access to early Freemasons, he may have been aware of the infusion of Rosicrucianism into British Masonry, where lodges of operative and speculative Masons were free to discuss in private the aims and techniques of the “secret sciences.”3 Moreover, through his friendship and correspondence with Swedish advocates of pansophic science, he was witness to the political and theosophical developments that led to Swedish Freemasonry becoming the most important vehicle of the Rosicrucian Enlightenment throughout the eighteenth century.4
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References
George Ross, “Leibniz and the Nuremberg Alchemical Society,” Studia Leibnitiana 6 (1974): 222–48, and “Leibniz and Alchemy,” Magia Naturalis und die Enstehung der Modernen Naturwissenschaften. Studia Leibnitiana, Sonderheft 7 (Wiesbaden, 1978): 166–67. Also, Christoph Gottlieb Murr, Über den wahren Ursprung der Rosenkreutzer und des Frey Maurerordens (Sulzbach: J.E. Seidel, 1803), pp. 17–18, 68–69.
Frances A. Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1972; rpt. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), pp. 91, 154–55.
See A.C.F. Jackson, “Rosicrucianism and its Effect on Craft Masonry,” Ars Quatuor Coronatorum 97 (1984): 115–50.
For the role of Swedish Masonic lodges in transmitting the New Science, see Karin Johannisson, “Magic, Science, and Institutionalization in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in T. Ganelius, ed., Progress in Science and its Social Conditions (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1986), pp. 51–59.
The surviving correspondence between Benzelius and Leibniz is published in Alvar Erikson, ed., Letters to Erik Benzelius the Younger From Learned Foreigners, 2 vols (Göteborg: Kungl. Vetenskaps-och Vitterhets-Samhället, 1979), and Alvar Erikson and Evan Nylander, Erik Benzelius ‘ Letters to his Learned Friends (Göteborg, 1983). Unfortunately, Benzelius burned many of his letters and papers because of political fears, shortly before his death in 1743.
H.W. Fogarty, “Rosicrucianism,” in Mircea Eliade, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1987). I am grateful to Professor Susanna Akerman for communicating this definition.
Moshe Idel, The Mystical Experience in Abraham Abulafia, trans. Jonathon Chipman (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), p. 40.
See David Blumenthal, Understanding Jewish Mysticism: the Merkabah Tradition and the Zoharic Tradition (New York: Ktav, 1978), and Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1980).
Chapter One in Restoring the Temple of Vision: Kabbalistic Freemasonry and British Literature (forthcoming from SUNY Press).
For background, see Mark Wischnitzer, A History of Jewish Crafts and Guilds (New York: Jonathon David, 1965); Salo Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 2nd. rev. ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966); George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1947); Joseph Guttman, ed., The Temple of Solomon: Archaeological Fact and Medieval Tradition in Christian, Islamic, and Jewish Art (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1976).
Douglas Hamer, G.P. Jones, Douglas Knoop, eds., The Two Earliest Masonic MSS. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1938).
David Stevenson, The Origins of Freemasonry: Scotland’s Century, 1590–1710 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 49–50, 87–96.
David Stevenson, The First Freemasons: Scotland’s Early Lodges and Their Members (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988), p. 291.
Jonathon Swift, A Letter from the Grand Mistress of the Female Freemasons to Mr. Harding the Printer (Dublin, 1724); rpt. in Herbert Davis, Prose Works of Jonathon Swift (Oxford: Shakespeare Head, 1962), V: 328–29. Swift was probably associated with a lodge at Trinity College, Dublin, circa 1688, and his name later appears in a London lodge register.
Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1966), pp. 173–98,380–81.
Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften, ed. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: Sämtliche Schriften und Briefe (Darmstadt und Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1923-), I, 13:237 (hereafter A). On 20 May 1697, Sparwenfeldt described Benzelius as “un fort joly garçon ... avancé dans toute sorte d’etude et d’erudission.”
Ibid, pp. 29–32, 246–47.
For background, see Sten Lindroth, Paracelsismen i Sverige till 1600-Talets Mitt (Uppsala, 1943), and Sven Rydberg, Svenska Studieresor till England under Frihetstiden (Uppsala, 1951).
Ethel Seaton, Literary Relations Between England and Scandinavia in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1935), p. 293.
For background, see Susanna Akerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991).
R.W. Meyer, Leibnitz and the Seventeenth-Century Revolution, trans. J.P. Stern (Cambridge: Bowes and Bowes, 1952), pp. 62, 185, note 127.
After Benzelius’s visit, Leibniz wrote Sparwenfeldt in November 1697: “Vous avés fait une grace singulier en m’adressant le jeune Monsieur Benzelius que je trouve merveilleusement à mon gré. Car il n’a pas seulement une grande ardeur pour apprendre quelque chose et pour bien employer son temps, mais il a da beaucoup d’erudition effective et avec cela il a des manieres si honnestes et si engageantes, qu’il pourra tousjours gagner le coeur de tout le monde part tout oú il se trouvera. Ainsi je ne doute point qu’il ne soit un jour un ornement nouveau de sa patrie et de sa famille” See (A I, 13:435).
Printed in A. Foucher de Careil, Oeuvres de Leibniz (Paris, 1875), VII: 64–82.
On the Rosicrucian and Masonic elements, see D.C. Martin, “Sir Robert Moray, FRS,” in The Royal Society: Its Origins and Founders (London: Royal Society, 1960), pp. 226, 245–46; Michael Hunter, Establishing the New Science: the Experience of the Early Royal Society (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989), pp. 17–21, 42, 115, 233.
Anders Grape, “Comenius, Bengt Skytte och Royal Society,” Lychnos (1936): 319–30; Marjory Purver, The Royal Society (London, 1967), pp. 220–33; James Crossley, ed., The Diary and Correspondence of John Worthington (Manchester: Chetham Society, 1877), XIII:246–49.
Akerman, Christina, pp. 128–49.
Ibid, p. 129.
A I,5:31, 661; I, 6:442, 564; I, 8:48, 290–95; I, 10:209–12.
Ibid, I, 13:26–29.
Akerman, Christina, pp. 91–93; Seaton, Literary, pp. 266–67.
A I, 13:342. Sparwenfeldt to Leibniz (Stockholm, 21 November 1696).
For Constantijn’s extensive collection of Hermetic and Rosicrucian writings, see Catalogus der Bibliothek van Constantyn Huygens . . .Gravenhage 1688 (Gravenhage: Stockum & Zoon, 1903).
Christiaan Huygens, Oeuvres complêtes (La Haye: Martinus Nijhoff, 1888–1950), III:307, 311, 322; IV.130, 358, 395; Supplement, XXII:526, 581, 598–603. Also, Constantijn Huygens, De Briefwisseling 1608–1687, ed. J.A. Worp (Hague: Nijhoff, 1911–1918), pp. 73, 114–31.
On Moray’s Masonic seals, see David Stevenson, “Masonry, Symbolism, and Ethics in the Life of Sir Robert Moray, FRS,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 114 (1984): 405–31. Huygens père had long experience in architectural design and operative Masonry, and his frequent allusions to the Great Architect, Divine Architecture, and Temple of Solomon suggest his interest in the “speculative” themes of Freemasonry. He evidently collaborated with Moray and their mutual Masonic friend Alexander Bruce (later Earl of Kincardine) on plans to ship quarried stone from Scotland for Dutch building projects. See Katherine Fremantle, The Baroque Town Hall of Amsterdam (Utrecht: Haentjens, Dekker, and Gumbert, 1959), pp. 37–38, 96–109; H.J. Louw, “Anglo-Netherlandish Architectural Exchange c. 1600–1660,” Architectural History 24 (1981): 13–23; National Library of Scotland, Kincardine Papers, MS 5050, ff.102, 125–37, 151–63, 169.
Information on these societies to be published in Susanna Akerman’s forthcoming book, Rose Cross Over the Baltic.
A I, 1:21. Oldenburg to Leibniz (London, 30 January/9 February 1673); Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows, 1660–1700 (Chalfont St. Giles: British Society for History of Science, 1985), p. 65.
Stevenson, Origins, pp. 105, 112–13, 219–20.
Kincardine Papers, MS 5050, f.45.
Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society (London: A. Millar, 1756–57), I:321–22, 436.
Stevenson, First Freemasons, p. 30; A.A. Tait, “The Protectorate Citadels of Scotland,” Architectural History 8 (1965): 54, note 17. On the association of the Tessin family with the Swedish army, see Georg Tessin, Deutsche Regimenten der Krone Schweden (1965). Hans Ewald Tessin came from Sweden’s German territories in Pomerania. After designing forts in Scotland for General Monck, he served the restored Stuart king, Charles II, as an engineer-architect in Dunkirk and Tangier.
According to Merzdorf, a usually accurate Masonic historian, this clandestine lodge, “St. Magnus,” was established in Gothenburg by a charter from Edinburgh, and King Charles XI later extended its privileges (in the 1670s). See Merzdorf, “Ueber die Grundverfassung der Grossen Landesloge von Schweden dd. 1800,” Latomia (1873): 29, and “Geschichte der Freimaurerbrüderschaft in Schweden und Norwegen,” Latomia 1 (1846): 175. Reference to this lodge is also found in Gotthold Lessing, Lessing ‘s Masonic Dialogues, trans. A. Cohen (London: Baskerville Press, 1927), pp. 99–100, and [Johan A. Starck], Apologie des Francs-Maçons (Philadelphie, 1779), p. 68.
Anthony Bonner, ed., Selected Works of Ramon Llull (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), I:84.
Kincardine Papers, MS 5049, ff.117, 137–43; MS 5050, ff. 20, 28.
See the names given in James Anderson, The Constitutions of the Freemasons (l723 and l738). Facsimile ed. by W.J. Hughan and Eric Ward (London, 1976), 101–05; also, J.R. Clarke, “Was Sir Christopher Wren a Freemason?” Ars Quatuor Coronatorum 78 (1965): 201–06.
Aant Elzinga, On a Research Program in Early Modern Physics (New York: Humanities Press, 1972), p. 23.
See Johannes Saubertus’s Latin translation of Jacobi Jehudae Leonis De Templo Hierosolymitano (Helmstedt: Jacob Muller, 1665).
Moray worked with his fellow Scot, Sir William Davidson, who secured Jewish support for the royalist cause. Huygens was also friendly with Davidson. See Wilfrid Samuel, “Sir William Davidson, Royalist, and the Jews,” Transactions of Jewish Historical Society of England 14 (1935–39): 59; Kincardine Papers, MS 5049, ff. 3, 28, 36; MS 5050, ff. 49, 55, 104, 152; Constantijn Huygens, Briefwisseling, V:383.
Constantijn Huygens, Briefwisseling, VI:356–57; A. Lewis Shane, “Jacob Jehudah Leon of Amsterdam (1602–1675) and His Models of the Temple of Solomon and the Tabernacle,” Ars Quatuor Coronatorum 96 (1983): 146–69. Copies of Huygens’s letters survive in the Dutch Royal Society, but the originals sent to London have not been found-perhaps because of the secrecy of the Masonic mission.
Claim about Leon first published by Laurence Dermott, who examined the papers of Leon’s grandson in 1759; see Ahiman Rezon (London, 1764). Claim repeated and embellished by David Franco in Berlin in 1788; see John Shaftesley, “Jews in English Regular Freemasonry, 1717–1860,” Transactions of Jewish Historical Society of England 25 (1973–1975): 153–55. Lending credibility to this Masonic tradition is Robert Hooke’s diary, which reveals his and Wren’s interest in “the Jews new Synagogue” in Amsterdam, which was influenced by Leon’s design of the Temple. In July 1674 Hooke’s architectural collaborator, the Master Mason Abraham Story, returned from Amsterdam and described the new synagogue; in September 1675 Hooke and Wren held a long discourse about Leon’s “module of the Temple of Jerusalem”; in January 1676 they inspected “Morays paper moduls” (architectural models constructed by Master Masons), and Hooke tried unsuccessfully to revisit Leon’s exhibit (it was closed for the Jewish Sabbath). See The Diary of Robert Hooke, eds. H.W. Robinson and W. Adams (London: Taylor and Francis, 1935), pp. 111, 179, 208–11.
Kurzer Entwurff des eigentlichen Naturalaphabets der heiligen Sprache (Sulzbach, 1667); Banzelius’s handwritten library catalogue is now in the Linköping Stiftsbibliothek. I am grateful to Allan Ranius, manuscript librarian, for his assistance with the extensive Benzelius collection.
On Swedenborg’s kabbalistic technique, see Moshe Idel, “Infinities of Torah in Kabbalah,” in Geoffrey Hartman and Sanford Budick, eds., Midrash and Literature (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), pp. 150, 156, n. 54.
Johan Hinric Lidén, Brefwaxling imellan Arke-Biskop Eric Benzelius den Yngre och dess Broder Censor Librorum Gustaf Benzelstierna (Linköping, 1791), p. xvi. In his MS library catalogue, Benzelius listed van Helmont, Kurzer Entwurff (1677); Seder Olam (1693); von Rosenroth “edente F.M. Helmontius (Lüneberg, 1697); Kabbala denudata (Sulzbach, 1677, 1684).
Linköping, MS B53, Benzelius Diarium (16 August, Hanover). Benzelius acquired Trithemius’s Polygraphie (1613). I discuss Swedenborg’s kabbalistic codes and visions in a forthcoming article, “Emanuel Swedenborg: Deciphering the Codes of a Celestial and Terrestrial Intelligencer,” in Elliot Wolfson, ed., Rending the Veil: Concealment and Revelation of Secrets in the History of Religions.
Benzelius recorded “Fragmentum Historiae Evangelicae (authore Francisco Mercurio Helmontio, Philosopho Kabbalista, qui ipse apocatastasis [in Greek] hoc mihi dedit Wolfenbytl anno 1697).” For Leibniz’s later writings on universal restitution, see Michel Fichant, “Ewige Wiederkehr oder unendlicher Forschritt: Die Apokatastasisfrage bei Leibniz,” Studia Leibnitiana 33 (1991): 133–50; and, Allison P. Coudert’s article in this volume as well as her book, Leibniz and the Kabbalah (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1995), pp. 109–10.
Erikson, Letters to Benzelius, I:41 (Wolfenbüttel, 17 August 1699).
Erikson and Nylander, Benzelius’ Letters, 20.
James Curl, The Art and Architecture of Freemasonry (London: B.T. Batsford, 1991), p. 89.
A I, 13:758–59.
Tatiana Bakounine, Le répertoire biographique des francs-maçons russes (Bruxelles: Editions Petropolis, 1940), p. 290.
See references to naval architecture in Christopher Wren, “Discourse on Architecture,” The Wren Society 19 (1942): 140. Also, Ramsay’s Jacobite-Masonic oration, given on 26 December 1736; in C.N. Batham, “Chevalier Ramsay: a New Appreciation,” Ars Quatuor Coronatorum 81 (1968): 302.
British Library, Evelyn MS 65. “Trades: Secrets and Receipts Mechanical,” f. 243 on necessary skills of “the Free-Mason”; M. Hunter, Establishing, pp. 17, 41–42; D. Stevenson, “Masonry,” pp. 418–19.
Bakounine, Répertoire, p. 404; A.G. Cross, “British Freemasons in Russia During the Reign of Catherine the Great,” Oxford Slavonic Papers n.s. 4 (1971): 42. Reinforcement for the Russian tradition of the Czar’s Jacobite-Masonic affiliation is found in a letter from George Mackenzie to the Earl of Mar (St. Petersburg, 29 October o.s. 1714): “... wtout breaking throw the Masson Word, I hope, as to a Bro’r Mechanick of his Czarian Maty, it will as yet be allow’d me to acquaint you so far, that he [Czar’s emissary] is to carry ... a sea Compass to our King ...”; in Letters and Documents Relating to Robert Erskine, Physician to Peter the Great, Czar of Russia, 1677–1720, ed. Robert Paul, Miscellanies of Scottish History Society 2 (1904): 372–420. I am grateful to Steven Murdoch of Aberdeen University for this reference.
Bakounine, Répertoire, pp. 84, 184.
T.E.S. Clarke and H.C. Foxcrof, A Life of Gilbert Burnet (Cambridge: Cambridge Univeristy Press, 1907), pp. 36–114.
Kincardine Papers, MS 5050, f. 131.
Hillel Schwartz, The French Prophets (Berkeley: California UP, 1980), p. 47.
Gaston Grua, G.W. Leibniz: Textes Inédits (Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1948), pp. 134, 145.
The proposals were published posthumously in Francis Lee, Apoleipomena (London: Alexander Strahan, 1752), I:1–12.
Gilbert Burnet, Three Letters Concerning the Present State of Italy, Written in the Year l667 (London, 1688), pp. 103–05. Moray, Huygens, and Leibniz were also interested in Borri’s alchemical claims, and Leibniz lamented the death of Borri in a Roman prison in 1695. See Oldenburg, Correspondence, II:527, 539; A I, 11:647–49. Swedenborg later acquired Borri’s extremely rare Rosicrucian treatise, La Chiave del Gabinetto (1681).
British Library, Sloane MS 3342, f.l; Royal Society of London, Journal Book, IX, f.178.
British Library, Sloane MS 530; Coudert, Leibniz, pp. 74.
M. Hunter, Royal Society, pp. 46–47.
See Roger Emerson, “Sir Robert Sibbald, Kt., the Royal Society of Scotland, and the Origins of the Scottish Enlightenment,” Annals of Science 45 (1988): 41–72; Sibbald’s letters to Benzelius in Erikson, Letters to Benzelius, pp. 54–55.
Hans Joachim Schoeps, Barocke Juden, Christen, Judenchristen (Bern und München: Francke Verlag, 1965), pp. 60–67.
George Dole, “Philosemitism in the Seventeenth Century,” Studia Swedenborgiana 7 (1990): 5–17.
After the conversion to Islam of Sabbatai Zevi, the seventeenth-century “false messiah,” his disciples developed a strange antinomian theosophy that allowed external apostasy from Judaism in the name of “holy sinning.” Thus, the Christianized Kemper privately maintained Sabbatian-Kabbalistic beliefs while he instructed Benzelius in Zoharic interpretations of the New Testament. Certain Sabbatian themes were later infused into the higher, Kabbalistic degrees of Swedish Freemasonry. Professor Elliot Wolfson is currently editing Kemper’s Hebrew manuscripts, deposited at Uppsala University.
Daniel Georg Morhof, Polyhistor litterarius, philosophicus, und practicus (Lübeck, 1708), I:12–47.
The volumes that Swedenborg read provide a virtual encyclopedia of allegedly rare occultist arcana that provide a counter-view of the so-called Newtonian age of rational science.
On Swedenborg’s Masonic career, see my “Swedenborg, Jacobitism, and Freemasonry,” in Erland Brock and Jane Williams-Hogan, eds., Swedenborg and His Influence (Bryn Athyn: Academy of New Church, 1988), pp. 359–79; also, “Yeats and the Unknown Superiors: Swedenborg, Falk, and Cagliostro,” in. Hugh Ormsby-Lennon and Marie Roberts, eds., Secret Texts (New York: AMS, 1995), pp. 114–68. On Wren as Grand Master in 1710, see Margaret Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-century Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 92.
Minerva holds the All-Seeing Eye, with rays emanating from it, while at her feet lie a compass and examples of mathesis and secret writing. Moray had used the All-Seeing Eye as a Masonic seal in his correspondence with the Huygenses.
Linköping: “Catalog öfver Benzeliska Brefsamlingen,” vol. IV, #135, 150–54, 162, 168.
On Sweden, the Jacobites, and the Masons, see Claude Nordmann, La Crise du Nord au début de XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1962), and Stanislaus Mnemon, La Conspiration du Cardinal Alberoni: la Franc-Maçonnerie et Stanislaus Poniatowski (Cracovie Université, 1909), pp. 60–67. Also, my “Swedenborg, Jacobitism, and Freemasonry.”
Leibniz to Sophie (Vienna, 31 January 1714); in G.W. Leibniz, Correspondance de Leibniz avec la princesse électrice Sophie de Brunswick-Lunebourg (Hanover, 1874), III: 26–27.
Coudert, Leibniz, pp. 110–35.
Ibid, p. 61.
On Charles II and Freemasonry, see Anderson, Constitutions (1723), pp. 40–41.
Coudert, Leibniz, pp. 9, 41.
Leibniz to Abbé Conti (6 December 1715 and 9 April 1716); in C. I. Gerhardt, Der Briefwechsel von Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz mit Mathematikern (Hildesheim, 1962), pp. 266, 283–85.
For the Whig version of Wren in 1716, see Anderson, Constitutions (1738), 109; for the Franco-Swedish version, see Jacob, Living the Enlightenment, p. 92.
Bernard Fay, “Les origines et l’esprit de la Franc-Maçonnerie,” La Revue Universelle 66 (1936): 170.
On the new Whig system of Masonry, see Margaret Jacob, The Radical Enlightenment (London: Allen and Unwin, 1981). See also J.T. Desaguliers, Leçons Physico-Mecaniques (London, 1717), which sought to discredit Leibniz.
Benson’s anti-Swedish propaganda was so virulent that it not only shocked Benzelius and Swedenborg but was a factor in Charles XII’s support for the Stuart Pretender. For Jacobite reaction to Wren’s removal, see Thomas Hearne, Reliquiae Hearnianae, ed. Phillip Bliss (London, 1869), II: 63.
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Scuchard, M.K. (1998). Leibniz, Benzelius, and the Kabbalistic Roots of Swedish Illuminism. In: Coudert, A.P., Popkin, R.H., Weiner, G.M. (eds) Leibniz, Mysticism and Religion. Archives Internationales D’histoire des Idées / International Archives of the History of Ideas, vol 158. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9052-5_4
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