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Scope Ambiguities with Negative Quantifiers

  • Henriëtte De Swart
Part of the Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy book series (SLAP, volume 72)

Abstract

Jacobs (1980,1991) and Rullmann (1995) claim that lexical decomposition of the German determiner kein ‘no’ and its Dutch counterpart geen ‘no’ is necessary to account for readings in which a scope-bearing operator such as an intensional verb or a universal quantifier intervenes between the negation and the existential quantifier part of the determiner. In this paper, I argue that lexical decomposition is not only undesirable, but empirically incorrect. As an alternative, I develop a higher-order interpretation of negative quantifiers in terms of quantification over properties. The analysis is built on the observation that split readings are restricted to monotone decreasing NPs in predicative positions.

Keywords

Wide Scope Narrow Scope Existential Quantifier Scope Reading Predicative Position 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2000

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  • Henriëtte De Swart

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