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Deliberative Democracy in Dark Times

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Power in Deliberative Democracy

Part of the book series: Political Philosophy and Public Purpose ((POPHPUPU))

Abstract

This final substantive chapter extends the discussion of deliberative democracy and power by focusing on three topics that have shaped contemporary thinking about the pathologies of democracy—post-truth, populism, and illiberalism. The chapter concludes with questions often raised but as yet unanswered in deliberative theory: What is its account of change? How does it take power? The chapter makes a case for a humble version of deliberative theory, one that does not hoist a flag declaring mission accomplished, but one that constantly evolves because it learns from its mistakes.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Hahl, Minjae Kim, and Ezra W. Zuckerman Sivan conducted an experiment to find out why ‘a lying demagogue may be viewed as more authentic than a candidate who neither lies nor flagrantly violates publicly-endorsed norms’. One of their main findings relate to the motivation of aggrieved social categories—those who feel disparaged by cultural elites—to view the demagogue as an authentic champion. Trump’s flagrant norm violation makes him a persona non grata in the political establishment, which makes him a champion during a legitimacy crisis to speak truth to power (Hahl, Kim and Sivan 2018: 25).

  2. 2.

    Thanks to Jonathan Ong for this point.

  3. 3.

    For another, we also know that ordinary citizens are interested in charismatic and empathetic politicians, not whether the politicians are representing (i.e. acting for) the collective interests of a society. This explains why so many white Americans identify with a white billionaire. Poor white Americans are born into relative poverty with no meaningful opportunity of mobility or education. Trump was born into privilege and wealth, received an Ivy League education, and is a billionaire. Other than the colour of their skin, there is no real similarity between the experience of the poor white Americans and Trump, a white billionaire. If anything unifies their ideological view of the world, it is the sameness of the colour of their skins. This creates an us (the whites) versus others (non-whites) ideology . This ideology binds them, and unifies their narrative (Stanley 2018; Stanley and Min 2018).

  4. 4.

    Frederick Schaffer (2002), Curato (2016), and Wataru Kusaka (2017) share similar observations in Thailand’s neighbouring country, the Philippines, where populist leaders appeal to poor urban communities due to the class politics of dignity, which middle-class constituencies often dismiss as nothing more than patronage politics preying on the votes of uneducated voters.

  5. 5.

    It is worth pointing out, however, that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights formally abolished the hierarchical view of civilisations and cultures. Ignatieff’s explanation is worth quoting at length: ‘As late as 1945, it was common to think of European civilisation as inherently superior to civilisations it ruled. Today many Europeans continue to believe this, but they know that they have no right to do so. More to the point, many non-Western peoples also took the civilizational superiority of their rulers for granted. They no longer have any reason to continue believing this. One reason of that is the global diffusion of human rights talk—the language that most consistently articulates the moral equality of all the individuals on the face of the earth. But to the degree that it does this, it simultaneously increases the level of conflict over the meaning, application, and legitimacy of rights claims’ (Ignatieff 2001: 115).

  6. 6.

    Thomas Cushman puts forward a human rights case for the war in Iraq. Using a consequentialist view, he argues that there is ‘no legitimate reason to deny these people [Iraqis] the right to assistance and rescue, and by way of that, the right to claim their human status as free and autonomous agents’ (Cushman 2005: 103). He cites a 2004 survey data that Iraqis were on two minds about the war, with some 49.7 percent seeing it as humiliation and 50.3 percent considering it as liberation. This, he argues, may be interpreted as a part feeling of relief that they have been freed from domination, and part suspicion and resentment that a new regime is being imposed leaving them with little control.

  7. 7.

    We recognise that Benhabib’s approach to rights departs from Ignattief’s more minimalist approach, where she demands the Arendtian notion of the ‘right to have rights’.

  8. 8.

    This insight brings us back to our discussion on norms in Chap. 2, where we argued for the redefinition of the public sphere beyond the Enlightenment narrative. Deveaux finds that the distinction between family and social life as the private realm and political life on the public realm is an oversimplification of the ways in which democratic activity, including cultural dissent, is performed beyond formal political practices.

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  1. Centre for Deliberative Democracy and Global Governance, University of Canberra, Canberra, ACT, Australia

    Nicole Curato

  2. School of Politics, Philosophy, International Relations and Environment, Keele University, Keele, Staffordshire, UK

    Marit Hammond

  3. Department of Social Sciences – Philosophy Program, College of Southern Nevada, North Las Vegas, NV, USA

    John B. Min

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Curato, N., Hammond, M., Min, J.B. (2019). Deliberative Democracy in Dark Times. In: Power in Deliberative Democracy. Political Philosophy and Public Purpose. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95534-6_5

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