How Influential Are the Social Actors?

  • Jean-Frédéric Morin
  • Jonathan Paquin


Various social actors influence or seek to influence foreign policy. NGOs, companies, the media, ethnic groups, unions and experts all exert a degree of pressure on the government. They also interact—exchanging information, setting up coalitions and continually adapting to their environment. The government does not simply listen passively to their grievances. It is involved in social dynamics and, in turn, seeks to influence social actors. The social fabric is made up of a two-way flux of influence, which overlaps to form a complex system. Awareness of this complexity helps clarify some commonplace ideas. For instance, it is often argued that the electorate has little interest in international politics, that unpopular politicians use international crises to distract attention from domestic problems or that NGOs are altruistic by nature while private corporations are egocentric. This chapter examines such commonplace assumptions.


  1. Abelson, D., S. Brooks, and X. Hua, eds. 2017. Think Tanks, Foreign Policy and Geopolitics: Pathways to Influence. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
  2. Adams, G., and N. Sokoloff. 1982. The Politics of Defense Contracting: The Iron Triangle. New Brunswick: Transaction.Google Scholar
  3. Aday, S. 2010. Chasing the Bad News. Journal of Communication 60 (1): 144–164.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. Aday, S., and S. Livingston. 2008. Taking the State Out of the State Media Relations Theory. Media, War and Conflict 1 (1): 99–107.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  5. Adler, E. 1992. National Epistemic Communities and the International Evolution of the Idea of Nuclear Arms Control. International Organization 46 (1): 101–145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  6. Adler, E., and P.M. Haas. 1992. Epistemic Communities, World Order and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program. International Organization 46 (1): 367–390.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  7. Aguilar, E.E., B.O. Fordham, and G.P. Lynch. 1997. The Foreign Policy Beliefs of Political Campaign Contributors. International Studies Quarterly 41 (2): 355–366.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. Ahmad, M. 2008. U.S. Think Tanks and the Politics of Expertise: Role, Value and Impact. Political Quarterly 79 (4): 529–555.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  9. Ahrari, M.E., ed. 1987. Ethnic Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Greenwood Press.Google Scholar
  10. Aldrich, J.H., J.L. Sullivan, and E. Borgida. 1989. Do Presidential Candidates Waltz Before a Blind Audience? American Political Science Review 83 (1): 123–141.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  11. Aldrich, J.H., C. Gelpi, P. Feaver, J. Reifler, and K.T. Sharp. 2006. Foreign Policy and the Electoral Connection. Annual Review of Political Science 9 (1): 477–502.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  12. Almond, G. 1950. The American People and Foreign Policy. New York: Harcourt Brace.Google Scholar
  13. Alons, G.C. 2007. Predicting a State’s Foreign Policy. Foreign Policy Analysis 3 (3): 211–232.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  14. Ambrosio, T., ed. 2002. Ethnic Identity Groups and U.S. Foreign Policy. Westport: Praeger.Google Scholar
  15. Anand, S., and J.A. Krosnick. 2003. The Impact of Attitudes toward Foreign Policy Goals on Public Preferences among Presidential Candidates. Presidential Studies Quarterly 33 (1): 31–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  16. Antoniades, A. 2003. Epistemic Communities, Epistemes and the Construction of (World) Politics. Global Society 17 (1): 21–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  17. Archetti, C. 2008. Unamerican Views. Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture, Media and Foreign Policy Special Issue 5 (3): 4–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  18. Badie, B. 2005. The Conquest of International Awareness. Policy 19 (3): 9–24.Google Scholar
  19. Bahador, B. 2007. The CNN Effect in Action: How the News Media Pushed the West Toward War in Kosovo. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  20. Baker, A. 2005. Who Wants to Globalize? Consumer Tastes and Labor Markets in a Theory of Trade Policy Beliefs. American Journal of Political Science 49 (2): 924–938.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  21. Baker, W.D., and J.R. O’Neal. 2001. Patriotism or Opinion Leadership? Journal of Conflict Resolution 45 (5): 661–687.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  22. Balabanova, E. 2010. Media Power During Humanitarian Interventions: Is Eastern Europe Different from the West? Journal of Peace Research 47 (1): 71–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  23. Bates, R.H., P. Brock, and J. Tiefenthaler. 1991. Risk and Trade Regimes: Another Exploration. International Organization 4 (5): 1–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. Baum, M.A. 2002a. Sex, Lies and War: How Soft News Brings Foreign Policy to the Inattentive Public. American Political Science Review 96 (1): 91–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  25. ———. 2002b. The Constituent Foundations of the Rally – Round – the – Flag Phenomenon. International Studies Quarterly 46 (2): 263–298.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. ———. 2003. Soft News Goes to War: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy in the New Media Age. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  27. ———. 2004. Circling the Wagons: Soft News and Isolationism in American Public Opinion. International Studies Quarterly 48 (2): 313–338.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  28. Baum, M.A., and T. Groeling. 2010a. Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on Iraq and the Elasticity of Reality. International Organization 64 (3): 443–479.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  29. ———. 2010b. War Stories: The Causes and Consequences of Public Views of War. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  30. Baum, M.A., and P.B.K. Potter. 2008. The Relationships between Mass Media, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy. Annual Review of Political Science 11 (1): 39–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  31. Bélanger, L., E. Duchesne, and J. Paquin. 2005. Foreign Interventions and Secessionist Movements: The Democratic Factor. Canadian Journal of Political Science 38 (2): 435–462.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  32. Bennett, L.W. 1990. Toward a Theory of Press-State relationships in the United States. Journal of Communication 40 (2): 103–125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  33. Bennett, L.W., and J.B. Manheim. 1993. Taking the Public by Storm. Political Communication, flight 10 (4): 331–351.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  34. Bennett, L.W., R.G. Lawrence, and S. Livingston. 2007. When the Press Fails: Political Power and the News Media from Iraq to Katrina. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. Berinsky, A.J. 2009. In Time of War: Understanding American Public Opinion from World War II to Iraq. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  36. Bernhagen, P. 2008. Business and International Environmental Agreements. Global Environmental Politics 8 (1): 78–110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  37. Berry, N. 1990. Foreign Policy and the Press: An Analysis of the New York Times’ Coverage of US Foreign Policy. Westport: Greenwood Press.Google Scholar
  38. Berry, M., and C. Wilcox. 2016. The Interest Group Society. 5th ed. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  39. Betsill, M.M., and E. Corell. 2007. NGO Diplomacy: The Influence of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Environmental Negotiations. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar
  40. Binning, K.R. 2007. It’s Us against the World. Political Psychology 28 (6): 777–799.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  41. Bjereld, U., and A.-M. Ekengren. 1999. Foreign Policy Dimensions. International Studies Quarterly 43 (3): 503–518.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  42. Blyth, M. 2002. Great Transformations: Economic Ideas and Institutional Change in the Twentieth Century. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  43. Boettcher, W.A., and M.D. Cobb. 2006. Echoes of Viet Nam? Journal of Conflict Resolution 50 (6): 831–854.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  44. Bottici, C., and B. Challand. 2006. Rethinking Political Myth. European Journal of Social Theory 9 (3): 315–336.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. Bourdieu, P. 1979 [1972]. Public Opinion Does Not Exist. In Communication and Class Struggle, ed. A. Mattelart and S. Siegelaub, vol. 1, 124–130. New York: International General.Google Scholar
  46. Brenner, P., P.J. Haney, and W. Vanderbush. 2002. The Confluence of Domestic and International Interests. International Studies Perspectives 3 (2): 192–208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  47. Brewer, P., and M.R. Steenbergen. 2002. All Against All: How Beliefs about Human Nature Shape Foreign Policy Opinions. Political Psychology 23 (1): 39–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  48. Brody, A. 1991. Assessing the President: The Media, Elite Opinion and Public Support. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
  49. Broscheid, A., and D. Coen. 2007. Lobbying Activity and Fora Creation in the EU. Journal of European Public Policy 14 (3): 346–365.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  50. Brulé, D. 2005. Explaining and Forecasting Foreign Policy Decisions: A Poliheuristic Analysis of the Iran Hostage Rescue Decision. International Studies Perspectives 6 (1): 99–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  51. Brûlé, D., B. Marshall, and B. Prins. 2010. Opportunities and Presidential Use of Force. Conflict Management and Peace 27 (5): 486–510.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  52. Bubela, T., and J. Morin. 2010. Lost in Translation: From Transnational Activism to Domestic Implementation. Health Law Journal 18 (1): 113–157.Google Scholar
  53. Bueno de Mesquita, B., J.D. Morrow, R.M. Siverson, and A. Smith. 1999. An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace. American Political Science Review 93 (4): 791–807.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  54. Burk, J.P. 1999. Public Support for Peacekeeping in Lebanon and Somalia. Political Science Quarterly 114 (1): 53–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  55. Busby, J.W. 2007. Bono Made Jesse Helms Cry. International Studies Quarterly 51 (2): 247–275.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  56. Carpenter, C. 2007. Setting the Advocacy Agenda. International Studies Quarterly 51 (1): 99–120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  57. Chan, S., and W. Safran. 2006. Public Opinion as a Constraint Against War. Foreign Policy Analysis 2 (2): 137–156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  58. Chapman, T., and D. Reiter. 2004. The United Nations Security Council and the Rally Round the Flag Effect. Journal of Conflict Resolution 48 (6): 886–909.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  59. Checkel, J.T. 1993. Ideas, Institutions and the Gorbachev Foreign Policy Revolution. World Politics 45 (2): 271–300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  60. Chittick, W.O., K.R. Billingsley, and R. Travis. 1995. A Three – Dimensional Model of American Foreign Policy Beliefs. International Studies Quarterly 39 (3): 313–332.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  61. Chwieroth, J. 2007. Testing and Measuring the Role of Ideas: The Case of Neoliberalism in the International Monetary Fund. International Studies Quarterly 51 (1): 5–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  62. Çiftçi, S., and G.M. Tezcur. 2016. Soft Power, Religion, and Anti-Chicago in the Middle East. Foreign Policy Analysis 12 (3): 374–394.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  63. Citrin, J., E. Haas, and C. Muste. 1994. Is American Nationalism Changing? International Studies Quarterly 38 (1): 1–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  64. Clark, D.H. 2001. Trading Butter for Guns: Domestic Imperatives for Foreign Policy Substitution. Journal of Conflict Resolution 45 (5): 636–660.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  65. Clark, D.H., and W. Reed. 2005. The Strategic Sources of Foreign Policy Substitution. American Journal of Political Science 49 (3): 609–624.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  66. Cohen, B.C. 1963. The Press and Foreign Policy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  67. Colaresi, M.P. 2007. The Benefit of the Doubt: Testing year Informational Theory of the Rally Effect. International Organization 61 (1): 99–143.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  68. Cunningham, J., and K. Moore. 1997. Elite and Mass Foreign Policy Opinion: Who is Leading This Parade? Social Science Quarterly 78 (3): 641–656.Google Scholar
  69. D’Anieri, P. 2002. Russia’s Foreign Policy. In Foreign Policy in Comparative Perspective, ed. A. Beasley, J. Kaarbo, J. Lantis, and M. Snarr, 95–120. Washington: CQ Press.Google Scholar
  70. Dannreuther, R. 2011. Understanding the Middle East Peace Process: A Historical Institutionalist Approach. European Journal of International Relations 17 (2): 187–208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  71. Davis, C. 2004. International Institutions and end-Linkage. American Political Science Review 98 (1): 153–169.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  72. Davis, W. 2012. Swords into ploughshares: The Effect of Pacifist Public Opinion on Foreign Policy in Western Democracies. Cooperation and Conflict 47 (3): 309–330.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  73. Davis, D., and W. Moore. 1997. Ethnicity Matters: Transnational Ethnic Alliances and Foreign Policy Behavior. International Studies Quarterly 41 (1): 171–184.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  74. DeRouen, K. 1995. The Indirect Link: Politics, the Economy and the Use of Force. Journal of Conflict Resolution 39 (4): 671–695.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  75. ———. 2000. Presidents and the Diversionary Use of Force: A Research Note. International Studies Quarterly 44 (2): 317–328.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  76. DeSombre, E. 2000. Domestic Sources of International Environmental Policy: Industry, Environmentalists and US Power. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar
  77. Dolan, C.J. 2008. The Shape of Elite Opinion on US Foreign Policy, 1992 to 2004. Politics and Policy 36 (4): 542–585.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  78. Downs, G.W., and D.M. Rocke. 1994. Conflict, Agency and Gambling for Resurrection: The Principal – Agent Problem Goes to War. American Journal of Political Science 38 (2): 362–380.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  79. Dyson, S.B. 2007. Alliance, Domestic Politics and Leadership Psychology. Political Psychology 28 (6): 647–666.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  80. Eckstein, S. 2009. The Personal Is Political: The Cuban Ethnic Electoral Policy Cycle. Latin American Politics and Society 51 (1): 119–148.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  81. Edwards, G.C. 2003. On Deaf Ears: The Limits of the Bully Pulpit. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
  82. Ehrlich, S., and C. Maestas. 2010. Risk Orientation, Risk Exposure and Policy Opinions: The Case of Free Trade. Political Psychology 31 (5): 657–684.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  83. Eichenberg, R.C. 2005. Victory Has Many Friends: US Public Opinion and the Use of Military Force, 1981–2005. International Security 30 (1): 140–177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  84. Eisenhower, D. D. 1961. Military – Industrial Complex Speech, Public Papers of the Presidents, p. 1035–1040.Google Scholar
  85. Entman, R. 2000. Declarations of Independence. In Decision-Making in a Glass House, ed. B.L. Nacos, R. Shapiro, and P. Isernia, 11–26. London: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
  86. ———. 2004. Projections of Power: Framing News, Public Opinion and US Foreign Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
  87. Eriksson, J., and L. Norman. 2010. Political use of Scholarly Ideas. Review of International Studies 36 (1): 1–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  88. Eshbaugh-Soha, M., and C. Linebarger. 2014. Presidential and Media Leadership of Public Opinion on Iraq. Foreign Policy Analysis 10 (4): 351–369.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  89. Fearon, J.D. 1994. Domestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputes. American Political Science Review 88 (3): 577–592.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  90. Feaver, P.D., and C. Gelpi. 2004. Choosing Your Battles: American Civil – Military Relations and the Use of Force. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  91. Finnemore, M., and K. Sikkink. 1998. International Norm Dynamics and Political Change. International Organization 52 (4): 887–917.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  92. Fordham, B.O. 2008. Economic Interests and Public Support for American Global Activism. International Organization 62 (1): 163–182.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  93. Foster, D., and J. Keller. 2010. Rallies and the First Image. Conflict Management and Peace 27 (5): 417–441.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  94. Foster, D., and G. Palmer. 2006. President, Public Opinion and Diversionary Behavior. Foreign Policy Analysis 2 (3): 269–287.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  95. Foyle, D.C. 1999. Counting the Public In: Presidents, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
  96. ———. 2004. Leading the Public to War? International Journal of Public Opinion Research 16 (3): 269–294.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  97. Gartner, S. 2011. On Behalf of a Grateful Nation: Conventional Images of Loss and Individual Opinion exchange in War. International Studies Quarterly 55 (2): 545–561.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  98. Gartzke, E., and K.S. Gleditsch. 2006. Identity and Conflict: Ties That Bind and Differences That Divide. European Journal of International Relations 12 (1): 53–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  99. Gartzke, E., and Y. Lupu. 2012. Still Looking for hearing Costs. Security Studies 21 (3): 391–397.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  100. Gaubatz, K.T. 1999. Elections and War: The Electoral Incentive in the Democratic Politics of War and Peace. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
  101. Gelpi, C., P.D. Feaver, and J. Reifler. 2009. Paying the Human Costs of War. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  102. Gentzhow, M., and J. Shapiro. 2004. Media, Education and Anti-Chicago in the Muslim World. Journal of Economic Perspectives 18 (3): 117–133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  103. Gilboa, E. 2003. Television News and US Foreign Policy: Constraints of Real – Time Coverage. International Journal of Press/Politics 8 (4): 97–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  104. ———. 2005. Global Television News and Foreign Policy Debating the CNN Effect. International Studies Perspectives 6 (3): 325–341.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  105. Gilboa, E., M. Jumbert, J. Miklian, and P. Robinson. 2016. Moving Media and Conflict Studies Beyond the CNN Effect. Review of International Studies 42 (4): 654–672.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  106. Gowa, J. 1998. Politics at the Water’s Edge: Parties, Voters and the Use of Force Abroad. International Organization 52 (2): 307–324.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  107. Grieco, J.M., C. Gelpi, J. Reifler, and P.D. Feaver. 2011. Let’s Get a Second Opinion: International Institutions and American Public Support for War. International Studies Quarterly 55 (2): 563–583.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  108. Groeling, T., and M. Baum. 2008. Crossing the Water’s Edge: Elite Rhetoric, Media Coverage and the Rally – Round – the – Flag Phenomenon. Journal of Politics 70 (4): 1–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  109. ———. 2009. Journalists’ Coverage of Elite Foreign Policy assessments and Incentives. Conflict Management and Peace Science 26 (5): 437–470.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  110. Grove, A. 2007. Political Leadership in Foreign Policy: Manipulating Support across Borders. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  111. Haas, P.M. 1990. Saving the Mediterranean: The Politics of International Environmental Cooperation. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
  112. ———. 1992a. Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination. International Organization 46 (1): 1–35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  113. ———. 1992b. Banning Chlorofluorocarbons: Epistemic Community Efforts to Protect Stratospheric Ozone. International Organization 46 (1): 187–224.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  114. ———. 2002. Constructing Environmental Conflicts from Resource Scarcity. Global Environmental Politics 2 (1): 1–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  115. ———. 2016. Epistemic Communities, Constructivism, and International Environmental Politics. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  116. Haglund, D. 2015. Ethnic Diasporas and the Canada-United States Security Community: From the Civil War to Today. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.Google Scholar
  117. Hallin, D. 1986. The Uncensored War: The Media and Viet Nam. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
  118. Haney, P.J., and W. Vanderbush. 2005. The Cuban Embargo: The Domestic Politics of American Foreign Policy. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  119. Hartley, T., and B. Russett. 1992. Public Opinion and the Common defence. American Political Science Review 86 (2): 361–387.Google Scholar
  120. Hays, J., S.D. Ehrlich, and C. Peinhardt. 2005. Government Spending and Public Support for Trade in the OECD. International Organization 59 (2): 473–494.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  121. Heldt, B. 1999. Domestic Politics, Absolute Deprivation and the Use of Armed Force in Interstate Territorial quarrels, 1950–1990. Journal of Conflict Resolution 43 (4): 451–478.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  122. Henderson, E.A. 1998. The Democratic Peace through the Lens of Culture, 1920–1989. International Studies Quarterly 42 (3): 461–484.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  123. Hendrickson, A. 2002. Clinton’s Military Strikes in 1998: Diversionary Uses of Force? Armed Forces and Society 28 (2): 309–332.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  124. Herman, E., and N. Chomsky. 1988. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Panthon.Google Scholar
  125. Herrmann, R.K., and P. Tetlock. 2001. How Americans Think About Trade. International Studies Quarterly 45 (2): 191–218.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  126. Herrmann, R.K., P. Tetlock, and P. Visser. 1999. Mass Public Decisions to Go to War. American Political Science Review 93 (3): 553–573.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  127. Hetherington, M., and M. Nelson. 2003. Anatomy of a Rally Effect: George W. Bush and the War on Terrorism. Political Science and Politics 36 (1): 37–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  128. Hildebrandt, T., C. Hillebrecht, P.M. Holm, and J. Pevehouse. 2013. The Domestic Politics of Humanitarian Intervention: Public Opinion, Partisanship and Ideology. Foreign Policy Analysis 9 (3): 243–266.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  129. Hill, K.A. 1993. The Domestic Sources of Foreign Policymaking: Congressional Voting and American Mass Attitude toward South Africa. International Studies Quarterly 37 (2): 195–214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  130. Hill, C. 2003. The Changing Politics of Foreign Policy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
  131. Hinckley, R.H. 1992. Peoples, Polls and Policymakers: American Public Opinion and National Security. New York: Lexington.Google Scholar
  132. Hiscox, M.J. 2002. Trade, Coalitions and Factor Mobility: Evidence from Congressional Votes on Trade Legislation. American Political Science Review 96 (3): 593–608.Google Scholar
  133. ———. 2006. Through a Glass Darkly and: Attitudes toward International Trade and the Curious Effects of Issue Framing. International Organization 60 (3): 755–780.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  134. Holsti, O.R. 1992. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippmann Consensus. International Studies Quarterly 36 (4): 439–466.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  135. ———. 1996. Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
  136. Holsti, O.R., and J. Rosenau. 1990. The Structure of Foreign Policy Attitudes among American Leaders. Journal of Politics 52 (1): 94–125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  137. Horowitz, M.C., E.M. Simpson, and A.C. Stam. 2011. Domestic Institutions and Wartime Casualties. International Studies Quarterly 55 (4): 909–936.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  138. Houghton, D.P. 2009. The Role of Self-Fulfilling and Self-Negating Prophecies in International Relations. International Studies Review 11 (3): 552–584.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  139. Hunt, M. 1987. Ideology and US Foreign Policy. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
  140. Hurwitz, J., and M. Peffley. 1987. How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? Hierarchical Model. American Political Science Review 81 (4): 1099–1120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  141. ———. 1990. Public Images of the Soviet Union: The Impact of Foreign Policy Attitudes. Journal of Politics 52 (1): 3–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  142. Hutcheson, J., D. Domke, A. Billeaudeaux, and P. Garland. 2004. US National Identity, Political Elites and a Patriotic Press Following September 11. Political Communication 21 (1): 27–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  143. Ikenberry, G.J. 1992. A World Restored Economy: Expert Consensus and the Anglo- American Postwar Settlement. International Organization 46 (1): 289–321.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  144. Isernia, P., Z. Juhasz, and H. Rattinger, eds. 2002. Foreign Policy and the Rational Public in Comparative Perspective. Journal of Conflict Resolution 46 (2): 201–224.Google Scholar
  145. Jacobs, L.R., and B.I. Page. 2005. Who Influences US Foreign Policy? American Political Science Review 99 (1): 107–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  146. Jacobs, R.S., and R.Y. Shapiro. 2000. Politicians Don’t Pander. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
  147. Jakobsen, P.V. 1996. National Interest, Humanitarianism or CNN: What Triggers a Peace Enforcement after the Cold War? Journal of Peace Research 33 (2): 202–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  148. ———. 2000. Focus on the CNN Effect Misses the Point: The Real Media Impact on Conflict Management is Invisible and Indirect. Journal of Peace Research 37 (2): 131–143.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  149. Jenkins-Smith, H.C., N.J. Mitchell, and K.G. Herron. 2004. Foreign and Domestic Policy Belief Structures in the US and British audiences. Journal of Conflict Resolution 48 (3): 287–309.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  150. Jensehaugen, J. 2014. Blueprint for Arab-Israeli Peace? President Carter and the Brookings Report. Diplomacy & Statecraft 25 (3): 492–508.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  151. Jentleson, B. 1992. The Pretty Cautious Public: Post Post- Viet Nam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force. International Studies Quarterly 36 (1): 49–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  152. Joachim, J. 2003. Framing Issues and Seizing Opportunities: The UN, NGOs and Women’s Rights. International Studies Quarterly 47 (2): 247–274.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  153. Johnston, A.I. 2006. The Correlates of Beijing Public Opinion toward the United States, 1998–2004. In New directions in the Study of China Foreign Policy, ed. A. Johnson and R. Ross, 340–377. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
  154. Jordan, C., and B. Page. 1992. Shaping Foreign Policy views: The Role of TV News. Journal of Conflict Resolution 36 (2): 227–241.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  155. Kaiser, D. 1983. Germany and the Origins of the First World War. Journal of Modern History 55 (5): 442–474.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  156. Kaltenthaler, K.C., R.D. Genlleny, and S.J. Ceccoli. 2004. Explaining Citizen Support of Trade Liberalization. International Studies Quarterly 48 (6): 829–851.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  157. Kaplan, F. 1983. The Wizards of Armageddon. New York: Touchstone.Google Scholar
  158. Karol, D., and E. Miguel. 2007. The Electoral Cost of War: Iraq Casualties and the 2004 US Presidential Election. Journal of Politics 69 (3): 633–648.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  159. Kassop, N. 2003. The War Power and Its Limits. Presidential Studies Quarterly 33 (3): 509–530.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  160. Katzenstein, P.J., and R.O. Keohane. 2007. Varieties of Anti-Chicago. In Anti-Americanisms in World Politics, ed. R.O. Keohane and P. Katzenstein, 9–37. Ithaca: Cornell University.Google Scholar
  161. Keller, J.W. 2005. Leadership Style, Regime Type and Foreign Policy Crisis Behavior. International Studies Quarterly 49 (2): 205–231.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  162. Kennan, G.F. 1951. American Diplomacy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
  163. Kennedy, R., and M. Dickenson. 2013. Turkish Foreign Policy and Public Opinion in the AKP Era. Foreign Policy Analysis 9 (2): 171–188.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  164. King, C., and N.J. Melvin. 1999. Diaspora Politics: Ethnic Linkages, Foreign Policy and Security in Eurasia. International Security 24 (3): 108–138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  165. Kirk, J. 2008. Indian-Americans and the US – India Nuclear Agreement. Foreign Policy Analysis 4 (3): 275–300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  166. Kisangani, E.F., and J. Pickering. 2011. Democratic Accountability and Diversionary Force. Journal of Conflict Resolution 55 (6): 1021–1046.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  167. Knecht, T., and M.S. Weatherford. 2006. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: The courses of Presidential Decision Making. International Studies Quarterly 50 (3): 705–727.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  168. Knopf, J. 1998. How Rational is ‘The Rational Public’? Journal of Conflict Resolution 42 (5): 544–571.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  169. Koch, M., and S.S. Gartner. 2005. Casualties and Constituencies. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49 (6): 874–894.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  170. Koga, J. 2011. Where Do Third Parties Intervene? International Studies Quarterly 55 (4): 1143–1166.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  171. Koinova, M. 2013. Four Types of Diaspora Mobilization: Albanian Diaspora Activism For Kosovo Independence in the US and the UK. Foreign Policy Analysis 9 (4): 433–453.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  172. Kotz, N. 1988. Wild Blue Yonder: Money, Politics and the B-1 Bomber. New York: Pantheon.Google Scholar
  173. Kreps, S. 2010. Elite Consensus as a Determinant of Alliance Cohesion. Foreign Policy Analysis 6 (3): 191–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  174. Kull, S. 2002. Public Attitudes Toward Multilateralism. In Multilateralism and US Foreign Policy, ed. S. Patrick and S. Forman. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.Google Scholar
  175. Kull, S., and I.M. Destler. 1999. Misreading the Public: The Myth of the New Isolationism, Washington. Washington: Brookings Institution Press.Google Scholar
  176. Kull, S., and C. Ramsay. 2000. Other of US Public Opinion and Foreign Policy Elite. In Decision-making in a Glass House, ed. B.L. Nacos, R.Y. Shapiro, and P. Isernia. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
  177. Lai, B., and D. Reiter. 2005. Rally ‘Round the Union Jack? Public Opinion and the Use of Force in the United Kingdom, 1948–2001. International Studies Quarterly 29 (2): 255–272.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  178. Larson, E.V. 1996. Casualties and Consensus: The Historical Role of Casualties in Domestic Support for US Military Operations. Santa Monica: Rand.Google Scholar
  179. Leeds, B.A., and D.R. Davis. 1997. Domestic Political Vulnerability and International Disputes. Journal of Conflict Resolution 41 (6): 814–834.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  180. LeoGrande, W. 1998. From Havana to Miami: US-Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40 (1): 67–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  181. Levendusky, M.S., and M.C. Horowitz. 2012. When Backing Down Is the Right Decision: Partisanship, New Information, and hearing Costs. Journal of Politics 74 (2): 323–338.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  182. Levy, J.S. 1988. Domestic Politics and War. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18 (4): 653–673.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  183. ———. 2012. Coercive Threats, Audience Costs, and Case Studies. Security Studies 21 (3): 383–390.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  184. Levy, J.S., and L.I. Vakili. 2014. Diversionary Action by Authoritarian Regimes: Argentina in the Falklands/Malvinas Case. In The Internationalization of Communal Strife, ed. M.I. Midlarsky, 118–145. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  185. Lian, B., and J. Oneal. 1993. Presidents, the Use of Military Force and Public Opinion. Journal of Conflict Resolution 37 (2): 277–300.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  186. Lippmann, W. 1955. Essays in the Public Philosophy. Boston: Little, Brown.Google Scholar
  187. Livingston, S. 1997. Beyond the ‘CNN Effect’: The Media – Foreign Policy Dynamic. In Politics and the Press, ed. P. Norris, 291–318. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.Google Scholar
  188. Livingston, S., and T. Eachus. 1995. Humanitarian Crises and US Foreign Policy: Somalia and the CNN Effect Reconsidered. Political Communication 12 (4): 413–429.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  189. Mansfield, E.D., and D.C. Mutz. 2009. Support for Free Trade. International Organization 63 (3): 425–457.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  190. Marquis, L., and P. Sciarini. 1999. Opinion training in Foreign Policy: The Swiss Experience. Electoral Studies 18 (4): 453–471.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  191. Marra, R.F., C. Ostrom, and D. Simon. 1990. Foreign Policy and Presidential Popularity. Journal of Conflict Resolution 34 (4): 588–623.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  192. Mayda, A.M., and D. Rodrik. 2005. Why Are Some People (and Countries) More Protectionist than Others? European Economic Review 49 (6): 1393–1430.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  193. McLean, E.V., and D.A. Roblyer. 2017. Public Support for Economic Sanctions: An Experimental Analysis. Foreign Policy Analysis 13 (1): 233–254.Google Scholar
  194. Mearsheimer, J.J., and S. Walt. 2007. The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.Google Scholar
  195. Meermik, J. 2001. Domestic Politics and the Political Use of Military Force by the United States. Political Research Quarterly 54 (4): 889–904.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  196. Meernik, J. 1994. Presidential Decision Making and the Political Use of Military Force. International Studies Quarterly 38 (1): 121–138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  197. ———. 1995. Congress, the President and the Commitment of the US Military. Legislative Studies Quarterly 20 (3): 377–392.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  198. ———. 2000. Modeling International Crises and the Political Use of Military Force by the United States. Journal of Peace Research 37 (5): 547–562.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  199. Meernik, J., and P. Waterman. 1996. The Myth of the Diversionary Use of Force by American Presidents. Political Research Quarterly 49 (3): 573–590.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  200. Melman, S. 1970. Pentagon Capitalism. New York: McGraw-Hill.Google Scholar
  201. Mercer, J. 2012. Audience Costs Are Toys. Security Studies 21 (3): 398–404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  202. Mermin, J. 1997. Television news and American intervention in Somalia. Political Science Quarterly 112 (3): 385–403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  203. Meunier, S. 2007. Managing Globalization? The EU in International Trade Negotiations. Journal of Common Market Studies 45 (4): 903–924.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  204. Midford, P. 1993. International Trade and Domestic Politics. International Organization 47 (4): 535–564.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  205. Miklian, J. 2008. International media’s Role on US-Small State Relations: The Case of Nepal. Foreign Policy Analysis 4 (4): 399–418.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  206. Milner, H. 1987. Resisting the Protectionist Temptation. International Organization 41 (4): 639–665.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  207. ———. 1988. Trading Places: Industries for Free Trade. World Politics 40 (3): 350–376.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  208. ———. 1999. The Political Economy of International Trade. Annual Review of Political Science 2 (1): 91–114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  209. Mitchell, S.M., and C. Thyne. 2010. Contentious Issues have Opportunities for Diversionary Behavior. Conflict Management and Peace 27 (5): 461–485.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  210. Monroe, A. 1979. Consistency Between Public Preferences and National Policy Decisions. American Politics Quarterly 7 (1): 3–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  211. ———. 1998. Public Opinion and Public Policy, 1980–1993. Public Opinion Quarterly 62 (1): 6–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  212. Morgan, C.T., and K. Bickers. 1992. Domestic Discontent and the External Use of Force. Journal of Conflict Resolution 36 (1): 25–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  213. Morgenthau, H., 2005 [1948], Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, McGraw-Hill Education; 7th edition.Google Scholar
  214. Morin, J.F. 2010. The Two-Level Game of Transnational Network. International Interactions 36 (4): 309–334.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  215. Morin, J.F., and A. Orsini. 2013. Insights from Global Environmental Governance. International Studies Review 15 (4): 562–566.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  216. Mueller, J. 1973. War, Presidents and Public Opinion. New York: Wiley.Google Scholar
  217. ———. 1994. Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
  218. Nacos, B.L., Y. Bloch-Elkon, and R.Y. Shapiro, eds. 2011. Selling Fear: Counterterrorism, the Media, and Public Opinion. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
  219. Nadelmann, E. 1990. Global Prohibition Regimes: The Evolution of Norms in International Society. International Organization 44 (4): 479–526.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  220. Newman, A. 2008. Building Transnational Civil Liberties. International Organization 62 (1): 103–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  221. Nicholls, N.H., P.K. Huth, and B.J. 2010. When Is Domestic Political Unrest Related to International Conflict? International Studies Quarterly 54 (4): 915–934.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  222. Nincic, M. 1988. The United States, the Soviet Union and the Politics of Opposites. World Politics 40 (3): 452–475.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  223. ———. 1992. Democracy and Foreign Policy: The Fallacy of Political Realism. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
  224. O’Heffernan, P. 1991. Mass Media and American Foreign Policy: Insider Perspectives on Global Journalism and the Foreign Policy Process. Santa Barbara: Greenwood.Google Scholar
  225. Oates, S. 2006. Framing Fear: Findings from a Study of Election News and Terrorist Threat in Russia. Europe-Asia Studies 58 (2): 281–290.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  226. Oldendick, R.W., and B.A. Bardes. 1982. Mass and Elite Foreign Policy Opinions. Public Opinion Quarterly 46 (3): 368–382.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  227. ONeal, J., B. Lian, and J.H. Joyner. 1996. Are the American People Pretty Prudent? International Studies Quarterly 40 (2): 261–280.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  228. Oppermann, K., and H. Viehrig. 2009. The Public Salience of Foreign and Security Policy in Britain, Germany and France. West European Politics 32 (5): 925–942.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  229. Ostrom, C., and B. Job. 1986. The President and the Political Use of Force. American Political Science Review 80 (2): 541–566.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  230. Page, B., and J. Barabas. 2000. Foreign Policy Gaps between Citizens and Leaders. International Studies Quarterly 44 (3): 339–364.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  231. Page, B., and R. Shapiro. 1983. Effects of Public Opinion on Policy. American Political Science Review 77 (1): 175–190.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  232. Paquin, J. 2008. Managing Controversy: U.S. Stability-Seeking and the Birth of the Macedonian State. Foreign Policy Analysis 4 (4): 441–462.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  233. Parker, S. 1995. Toward an Understanding of ‘Rally’ Effects: Public Opinion in the Persian Gulf War. Public Opinion Quarterly 59 (4): 526–546.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  234. Parmar, I. 2004. Think Tanks and Power in Foreign Policy. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  235. Peksen, D., T.M. Peterson, and A.C. Drury. 2014. Media-Driven Humanitarianism? News Media Coverage of Human Rights Abuses and the Use of Economic Sanctions. International Studies Quarterly 58 (4): 855–866.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  236. Perla, H. 2011. Explaining Public Support for the Use of Military Force. International Organization 65 (2): 139–167.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  237. Peterson, M.J. 1992. Whaler, Cetologists, Environmentalists and the International Management of Whaling. International Organization 46 (1): 147–186.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  238. Petry, F., and M. Mendelsohn. 2004. Public Opinion and Policy Making in Canada, 1994–2001. Political Canadian Journal of Science 37 (3): 505–529.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  239. Pickering, J., and E.F. Kisangani. 2005. Democracy and Diversionary Military Intervention. International Studies Quarterly 49 (1): 23–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  240. Powlick, P.J. 1991. The Attitudinal Bases for Responsiveness to Public Opinion among American Foreign Policy Officials. Journal of Conflict Resolution 35 (4): 611–641.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  241. ———. 1995. The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Official. International Studies Quarterly 39 (4): 427–451.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  242. Powlick, P.J., and A.Z. Katz. 1998. Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus. Mershon International Studies Review 42 (1): 29–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  243. Price, M. 2009. End of Television and Foreign Policy. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 625 (1): 196–204.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  244. Prins, B.C. 2001. Domestic Politics and Interstate Disputes: Examining US MID Involvement and Reciprocation, 1870–1992. International Interactions 26 (4): 411–438.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  245. Reifler, J., T.J. Scotto, and H.D. Clarke. 2011. Foreign Policy Beliefs in Contemporary Britain. International Studies Quarterly 55 (1): 245–266.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  246. Reiter, D., and A. Stam. 1998. Democracy, War Initiation, and Victory. American Political Science Review 92 (2): 377–389.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  247. Ripberger, J.T., T.M. Rabovsky, and K.G. Herron. 2011. Public Opinion and Nuclear Zero: A Domestic Constraint we’re Ditching the Bomb. Politics & Policy 39 (6): 891–923.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  248. Risse-Kappen, T. 1991. Public Opinion, Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies. World Politics 43 (4): 479–512.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  249. ———. 1995. Cooperation among Democracies: The European Influence on US Foreign Policy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  250. Robinson, P. 2002. The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
  251. Rodrik, D. 1998. Why Do More Open Economies Have Bigger Governments? Journal of Political Economy 106 (5): 997–1032.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  252. Rosati, J.A., and J. Creed. 1997. Extending the Three – and Four-Headed Eagles. Political Psychology 18 (3): 583–623.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  253. Rosenson, B., E. Oldmixon, and K. Wide. 2009. Senators’ Support for Israel Through Sponsorship/Cosponsorship Decision Examined, 1993–2002. Foreign Policy Analysis 5 (1): 73–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  254. Roth, C., and P. Bourgine. 2005. Epistemic Communities: Description and Hierarchic Categorization. Mathematical Population Studies 12 (2): 107–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  255. Rottinghaus, B. 2007. Following the ‘Mail Hawks’: Alternative Measures of Public Opinion on Viet Nam in the Johnson White House. Public Opinion Quarterly 71 (3): 367–391.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  256. Rubenzer, T. 2008. Ethnic Minority Interest Group Attributes and US Foreign Policy Influence. Foreign Policy Analysis 4 (2): 169–185.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  257. ———. 2011. Campaign Contributions and US Foreign Policy Outcome: An Analysis of Cuban American Interests. American Journal of Political Science 55 (1): 105–116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  258. Ruggie, J.G. 1982. International Regimes, Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order. International Organization 36 (2): 379–415.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  259. Russett, B. 1990. Controlling the Sword: The Democratic Governance of National Security. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  260. Scheve, K.F., and M.J. Slaughter. 2001. What Determines Individual Trade Policy Preferences? Journal of International Economy 54 (2): 267–292.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  261. Schoen, H. 2008. Identity, Instrumental Self-Interest and Institutional Evaluations. European Union Politics 9 (1): 5–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  262. Schuster, J., and H. Maier. 2006. The Rift: Explaining Europe’s Divergent Iraq Policies in the run-up of the American-Led War on Iraq. Foreign Policy Analysis 2 (3): 223–244.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  263. Sebenius, J. 1992. Challenging Convention Explanations of International Cooperation. International Organization 46 (1): 323–365.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  264. Seib, P. 2008. The Al Jazeera Effect: How the New Global Media Are Reshaping World Politics. Dulles: Potomac Books.Google Scholar
  265. Sell, S.K., and A. Prakash. 2004. Using Ideas Strategically: The Contest Between Business and NGO Networks in Intellectual Property Rights. International Studies Quarterly 48 (1): 143–175.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  266. Shain, Y. 1994. Ethnic Diasporas and US Foreign Policy. Political Science Quarterly 109 (5): 811–841.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  267. Shain, Y., and A. Barth. 2003. Diaspora and International Relations Theory. International Organization 57 (3): 449–479.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  268. Sikkink, K. 1991. Ideas and Institutions: Developmentalism in Brazil and Argentina. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
  269. Small, D., J. Lerner, and B. Fischoff. 2006. Emotion Priming and Attributions for Terrorism. Political Psychology 27 (2): 289–298.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  270. Smith, T. 2000. Foreign Attachments: The Power of Ethnic Groups in the Making of American Foreign Policy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
  271. Snow, A.R., E.B. Rochford, S.K. Worden, and R.D. Benford. 1986. Frame Alignment Processes. American Sociological Review 51 (4): 464–481.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  272. Snyder, J., and E. Borghard. 2011. The Cost of Empty Threats: A Penny, Not a Pound. American Political Science Review 105 (3): 437–456.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  273. Sobel, R. 2001. The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy since Viet Nam. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
  274. Soroka, S. 2003. Media, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy. International Journal of Press/Politics 8 (3): 27–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  275. Sparrow, B. 2008. Who Speaks for the People? The President, the Press and Public Opinion in the United States. Presidential Studies Quarterly 38 (4): 578–592.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  276. Stevens, D. 2015. War and Elections. International Studies Quarterly 59 (3): 477–489.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  277. Suedfeld, P. 1992. Bilateral relationship between Countries and the Complexity of Newspaper gossip. Political Psychology 13 (4): 601–611.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  278. Sulfaro, V., and M. Crislip. 1997. How Americans Perceive Foreign Policy Threats: A Magnitude Scaling Analysis. Political Psychology 18 (1): 103–126.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  279. Taylor, P.M. 1992. War and the Media: Propaganda and Persuasion in the Gulf War. Manchester: Manchester University Press.Google Scholar
  280. Telhami, S. 1993. Arab Public Opinion and the Gulf War. Political Science Quarterly 108 (3): 437–452.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  281. Tetlock, P.E. 2005. Expert Political Judgment: How Good Is It? How Can We Know? Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
  282. Thomson, P.C. 2016. Public Support for Economic and Military Coercion and Hearing Costs. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18 (2): 407–421.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  283. Toke, D. 1999. Epistemic Communities and Environmental Groups. Politics 19 (2): 97–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  284. Trachtenberg, M. 2012. Hearing Costs: An Historical Analysis. Security Studies 21 (3): 3–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  285. Trubowitz, P. 1992. Sectionalism and American Foreign Policy. International Studies Quarterly 36 (2): 173–190.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  286. Tumber, H., and J. Palmer. 2004. Media at War: The Iraq Crisis. London: Sage.Google Scholar
  287. Van Belle, D. 2000. Press Freedom and Global Politics. Westport: Praeger.Google Scholar
  288. Van Belle, D., J.-S. Rioux, and D.M. Potter. 2004. Media, Bureaucracies and Foreign Aid, New York. Martin: Palgrave and St.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  289. Vasquez, J.P. 2005. Shouldering the Soldiering: Democracy, Conscription and Military Casualties. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49 (6): 849–873.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  290. Verba, S., R.A. Brody, E.B. Parker, N.H. Nie, and N.W. Pitfield. 1967. Public Opinion and the War in Viet Nam. American Political Science Review 61 (2): 317–333.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  291. Western, J. 2005. Selling Intervention and War: The Presidency, the Media and the American Public. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
  292. Whang, T. 2011. Playing to the Home Crowd? Symbolic Use of Economic Sanctions in the United States. International Studies Quarterly 55 (3): 787–801.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  293. Whitten-Woodring, J. 2009. Watchdog or Lapdog? International Studies Quarterly 53 (3): 595–625.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  294. Williams, L., D. Burns, and M. Kock. 2010. Interstate Disputes, the Economy and election Outcome. Conflict Management and Peace Science 27 (5): 442–460.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  295. Witko, C. 2003. Cold War Belligerence and US Public Opinion Toward Defense Spending. American Politics Research 31 (4): 379–403.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  296. Wittkopf, E.R. 1990. Faces of Internationalism. Durham: Duke University Press.Google Scholar
  297. Wolfe, W.M. 2008. Winning the War of Words: Selling the War on Terror from Afghanistan to Iraq. Westport: Praeger Security International.Google Scholar
  298. Wolfsfeld, G. 1997. Media and Political Conflict: News from the Middle East. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
  299. ———. 2004. Media and the Path to Peace. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  300. Wood, B.D., and J.S. Peake. 1998. The Dynamics of Foreign Policy Agenda Setting. American Political Science Review 92 (1): 173–184.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  301. Wuthnow, R., and V. Lewis. 2008. Religion and Altruistic US Foreign Policy Goals. Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion 47 (2): 191–209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  302. Yoon, M.Y. 1997. Explaining US Intervention in Third World Internal Wars, 1945–1989. Journal of Conflict Resolution 41 (4): 580–602.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  303. Zaller, J., and D. Chiu. 2000. Government’s Little Helper. In Decision-making in a Glass House, ed. B.L. Nacos, R.Y. Shapiro, and P. Isernia, 61–84. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
  304. Zito, A. 2001. Epistemic Communities, Collective Entrepreneurship and European Integration. Journal of European Public Policy 8 (4): 585–603.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© The Author(s) 2018

Authors and Affiliations

  • Jean-Frédéric Morin
    • 1
  • Jonathan Paquin
    • 1
  1. 1.Department of Political ScienceUniversité LavalQCCanada

Personalised recommendations