Advertisement

Challenges Towards the Implementation and Functioning of the CPEC

  • Siegfried O. Wolf
Chapter
Part of the Contemporary South Asian Studies book series (CSAS)

Abstract

While expectations relating to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are high, Pakistan remains challenged by traditional problems linked to the patterns of the country’s realpolitik. These will have severe consequences as regards the corridor’s implementation and smooth functioning. Beijing too must deal with several implications arising from the CPEC: China’s western Xinjiang region—which determines one of the corridor’s five subzones—suffers from various shortcomings such as a weak industrial base and limited economic scale and faces both social and political challenges. Some of these problems are closely interlinked and could even reinforce each other in the context of large-scale development initiatives such as economic corridors. In sum, the challenges that might hinder the realisation of the CPEC are both internal and external, encompassing political, geostrategic, social, economic, environmental, and legal-constitutional aspects. Any assessment of the CPEC needs to comprehensively consider both contemporary and future challenges facing this development project.

Bibliography

  1. Aamir, A. (2015a, June 27). Interview with Syed Fazl-e-Haider: Fully operational Gwadar Port under Chinese control upsets key regional players. The Balochistan Point. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://thebalochistanpoint.com/interview-fully-operational-gwadar-port-under-chinese-control-upsets-key-regional-players/
  2. Abbasi, Z., & Burdey, M. B. (2008). The changing paradigms of human resource in the economic development of Pakistan. Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 4(1), 1–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. Abid, M., & Ashfaq, A. (2015). CPEC: Challenges and opportunities for Pakistan. Pakistan Vision, 16(2), 142–169.Google Scholar
  4. Abuza, Z. (2017, August 15). The Uighurs and China’s regional counter-terrorism efforts. Terrorism Monitor, 15(16).Google Scholar
  5. Afridi, S. F. (2014, December 22). Socio-economic impact of terrorism on Pakistan. The Nation.Google Scholar
  6. Afzal, S., & Naseem, A. (2018). China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Challenges and prospects. Pakistan Administrative Review, 2(1).Google Scholar
  7. Ahmed, A., Arshad, M. A., Mahmood, A., & Akhtar, S. (2017). Neglecting human resource development in OBOR, a case of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies, 10(2), 130–142. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/JCEFTS-08-2016-0023
  8. Akram, S., & Midhat, S. (2015). Un mediation on Kashmir dispute: Past and future. International Journal of History and Philosophical Research, European Centre for Research Training and Development UK, 3(2), 1–9.Google Scholar
  9. Ali, A. (2014). Economic cost of terrorism: A case study of Pakistan. Islamabad: Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad (ISSI). Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.issi.org.pk/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/1299569657_66503137.pdf
  10. Ali, Z. (2015, August 9). ‘Almost’ Pakistan: Gilgit-Baltistan in a constitutional limbo. Dawn.Google Scholar
  11. Ali, M. H. (2016b, March 2). China’s proxy war in Syria: Revealing the role of Uighur fighters. Alarabiya. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://english.alarabiya.net/en/perspective/analysis/2016/03/02/China-s-proxy-war-in-Syria-Revealing-the-role-of-Uighur-fighters-.html
  12. Aljazeera. (2009, July 6). Scores dead in Xinjiang riot.Google Scholar
  13. Aljazeera. (2015a, July 12). China says fleeing Uighurs were ‘on way to join jihad’.Google Scholar
  14. Aljazeera. (2015b, July 5). Beijing warns citizens in Turkey of anti-China protests.Google Scholar
  15. Aljazeera. (2015c, June 18). China bans Muslims from fasting Ramadan in Xinjiang.Google Scholar
  16. Aljazeera. (2016, March 13). China pledges new crackdown on ‘hostile forces’.Google Scholar
  17. Aljazeera. (2018, May 23). Pakistan: Former PM accuses army of orchestrating dismissal.Google Scholar
  18. ANI. (2018, January 8). ISIS increased its presence in Pakistan in 2017, says report. Outlook. Asian News International (ANI).Google Scholar
  19. Arduino, A., & Soliev, N. (2017, November 27). Malhama tactical threatens to put China in its crosshairs. Terrorism Monitor. Washington, DC: The Jamestown Foundation.Google Scholar
  20. Arshad, M. S. (2017, July 4). Insight to public procurement in Pakistan. Pakistan Today.Google Scholar
  21. Asrar-ul-Haq, M. (2015). Human resource development in Pakistan: Evolution, trends and challenges. Human Resource Development International., 18(1), 1–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  22. Axmann, M. (2012). Back to the future. The Khanate of Kalat and the genesis of Baluch Nationalism, 1915–1955. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
  23. Azam, M. (2014, Winter). Genesis of militancy in Pakistan. IPRI Journal, 14(1), 102–123. Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI). Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.ipripak.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Article-no.-6-Maryam.pdf
  24. Azam, M. & Javaid, U. (2017, July–December). The sources of militancy in Pakistan. Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan (JRSP), 54(2). Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/PDF-FILES/13-Paper_54_2_17.pdf
  25. Bano, M. (2012). Breakdown in Pakistan. How aid is eroding institutions for collective action. Stanford: Stanford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. Bansal, A. (2008). Gilgit–Baltistan: The roots of political alienation. Strategic Analysis, 32(1), 81–101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  27. Bansal, A. (2013). Gilgit-Baltistan an appraisal (Manekshaw Paper No. 37). New Delhi: Centre for Land Warfare Studies.Google Scholar
  28. Basra, R., Neumann, P. R., & Brunner, C. (2016). Criminal pasts, terrorist futures: European Jihadists and the new crime-terror nexus. The International. London: Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (ICSR). Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://icsr.info/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/ICSR-Report-Criminal-Pasts-Terrorist-Futures-European-Jihadists-and-the-New-Crime-Terror-Nexus.pdf
  29. Bass, G. J. (2014). The blood telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. New York: Vintage Books.Google Scholar
  30. BBC. (2015d, August 17). Bangkok bomb: Deadly blast rocks Thailand capital.Google Scholar
  31. Beech, H. (2014, August 12). If China is anti-islam, why are these Chinese muslims enjoying a faith revival? Time Magazine.Google Scholar
  32. Bhasin, M. (2009, September 11). Pakistan’s ordinance giving internal political autonomy to Northern Jammu, Kashmir Means Little. Huffington Post.Google Scholar
  33. Bhattacharji, P. (2012, May 29). Uighurs and China’s Xinjiang Region. CFR Backgrounder. New York: Council on Foreign Relations.Google Scholar
  34. Bokhari, F. (2017, August 17). Poor governance. Dawn. Google Scholar
  35. Brohi, N. (2016, August 28). A city simmers. Dawn.Google Scholar
  36. Brömmelhörster, J., & Paes, W.-C. (2003). Soldiers in business. An introduction. In J. Brömmelhörster & W.-C. Paes (Eds.), The military as an economic actor. London: Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  37. Brown, W. (2014). Gilgit rebellion: The major who mutinied over partition of India. Barnsley: Pen and Sword Military.Google Scholar
  38. BTI Pakistan. (2018). BTI 2018 | Pakistan Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI).Google Scholar
  39. Budhwani, N. N. (2008). Human resource development in Pakistan: An overview (Working Paper. Human Resource Development, Suleman Dawood School of Business). Lahore: Lahore University of Management Sciences. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.ufhrd.co.uk/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2008/06/211human-resource-development-in-pakistan_budhwani.pdf
  40. Byman, D. (2005a). Deadly connections: States that sponsor terrorism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  41. Byman, D. (2005b). Passive sponsors of terrorism. Survival, 47(4), 117–144.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  42. Chandran, D. S. (2016). Will Pakistan integrate Gilgit Baltistan? And what if? In NIAS strategic forecast, Trends. Threats. Projections, No 4. Bengaluru: National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS). http://eprints.nias.res.in/1018/1/2016-NSF04-DSubaChandran.pdf
  43. Chang, G. G. (2014, December 10). China’s big plans for Pakistan. The National Interest.Google Scholar
  44. Chêne, M. (2008). Overview of corruption in Pakistan. https://www.u4.no/publications/overview-of-corruption-in-pakistan.pdf
  45. Cloughley, B. (2006). A history of the Pakistan army. Wars and insurrections. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
  46. Curtis, L., & Scissors, D. (2012, January 19). The limits of the Pakistan-China alliance. Backgrounder, No. 2641. Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation.Google Scholar
  47. Dawn. (2018a, June 28). Pakistan placed on FATF ‘grey list’ despite diplomatic efforts to avert decision. Google Scholar
  48. Dorsey, J. M. (2015, July 15). Anti-Chinese protests in Turkey: Relations with China under test. RSIS Commentary, No. 153. Singapore: S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University.Google Scholar
  49. Economist. (2008, January 3). Pakistan. The world’s most dangerous place.Google Scholar
  50. Economist. (2015a, June 6). The Dark Corridor.Google Scholar
  51. Erdemir, A., & Tahiroglu, M. (2015, July 30). Turkish Grey Wolves target ‘Chinese’. POLITICO. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.politico.eu/article/turkish-grey-wolves-target-chinese/
  52. Fair, C. C., Malhotra, N., & Shapiro, J. N. (2010). Islam, militancy, and politics in Pakistan: Insights from a national sample. Terrorism and Political Violence, 22, 495–521.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. Faisal, F., & Jafri, A. R. (2017, January–June). Corruption as a source of failure of good governance and management in Pakistan: Proposed remedial measures. Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society (JPUHS), 30(1), 57–75. Accessed from http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/HistoryPStudies/PDF_Files/4_V-30-No1-Jun17.pdf
  54. Falak, J. (2015). CPEC: Internal significance and challenges. Stratagem. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.stratagem.pk/strategic-pulse/cpec-internal-signfigance-and-challenges/
  55. FATF. (2018, June 29). FATF plenary meetings – Chairman’s summaries. Paris: Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://www.fatf-gafi.org/publications/fatfgeneral/documents/outcomes-plenary-june-2018.html
  56. Fazil, M. D. (2016, February 15). Pakistan: What stands in CPEC’s Way? The Diplomat. Google Scholar
  57. Fukuyama, F. (2014). Political order and political decay: From the industrial revolution to the globalisation of democracy. London: Profile Books.Google Scholar
  58. Gall, C. (2010, August 26). Pakistan flood sets back infrastructure by years. The New York Times.Google Scholar
  59. Ghosh, P. (2012, May 31). China prods Pakistan to crack down on Uighur separatist militants. International Business Times.Google Scholar
  60. Girit, S. (2015, July 9). China-Turkey relationship strained over Uighurs. BBC.Google Scholar
  61. Gishkori, Z. (2015b, September 9). ‘Balochistan politicking’: Govt accused of changing demographics. The Express Tribune.Google Scholar
  62. Grare, F. (2013, April 11). Balochistan: The state versus the nation. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.Google Scholar
  63. Greig, J. A. (2016). Riding the tiger. The threat to Pakistan from terrorism. In R. Kalia (Ed.), Pakistan’s political labyrinths: Military, society and terror (pp. 22–39). New Delhi: Routledge.Google Scholar
  64. Gul, I. (2010). The most dangerous place: Pakistan’s lawless frontier. New York: Viking/Penguin Group.Google Scholar
  65. Haider, Z. (2005, July/August). Sino-Pakistan relations and Xinjiang’s Uyghurs: Politics, trade and Islam along the Karakoram highway. Asian Survey, XLV(4), 522–545.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  66. Haider, A. (2008, June 10). The Baloch and the state: conflict of perceptions. The News International. Google Scholar
  67. Hamid, N., & Hussain, A. (1974). Regional inequalities and capitalist development. Pakistan Economic and Social Review, 12(3), 255–288.Google Scholar
  68. Haq, S. (2014, August 15). Political crisis shackles trade and business in Punjab. The Express Tribune.Google Scholar
  69. Haqqani, H. (2005). Pakistan between mosque and military. Lahore: Vanguard Books.Google Scholar
  70. Hellmann, J., & Kaufmann, D. (2001). Confronting the challenge of state capture in transition economies. Finance & Development, 38(3), 31–31.Google Scholar
  71. Hodge, A. (2013, July 30). Karakoram highway: China’s Treacherous Pakistan corridor. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  72. Holmes, O. (2015, July 9). Thailand forcibly sends nearly 100 Uighur Muslims back to China. The Guardian.Google Scholar
  73. Hong, C. (2012). Liminality and resistance in Gilgit-Baltistan (Legal Working Paper Series on Legal Empowerment for Sustainable Development). Montreal: Centre for International Sustainable Development Law (CISDL). Accessed February 12, 2019, from http://cisdl.org/public/docs/Hong_Liminality_and_Resistance_in_Gilgit-Baltistan.pdf
  74. Hussain, A. (1993, March). Regional economic disparity in Pakistan and a framework for regional policy. Paper presented at the Wilton Park Conference at Wiston House, Sussex, England (8–12 March). Accessed February 12, 2019, from http://www.akmalhussain.net/Papers%20Presented/data/REGIONAL%20ECONOMIC%20DISPARITY%20IN%20PAKISTAN.pdf
  75. Hussain, Z. (2007). Frontline Pakistan. The struggle with Militant Islam. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
  76. Hussain, B. (2011, April 9). If Pakistan’s leaders cannot be honest, at least let them be competent. The Guardian.Google Scholar
  77. Hussain, Z. (2012, July 24). Dynastic politics. Dawn.Google Scholar
  78. Hussain, M. (2017a, June). China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Challenges and the way forward. Thesis. Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School.Google Scholar
  79. Hyder, S., Akram, N., & Padda, I. U. H. (2015, January). Impact of terrorism on economic development in Pakistan. Pakistan Business Review, 704–722. Accessed February 12, 2019, from https://pbr.iobm.edu.pk/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/1-Naeem-Akram.pdf
  80. Ibrahim, A. (2011, November 29). Corruption – Pakistan’s past and future challenges. Huffington Post.Google Scholar
  81. Inkster, N. (2012). The enigma of Pakistan. Survival, 52(2), 167–178.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  82. Iqbal, A. (2018b, February 18). FATF begins today review of move to put Pakistan on grey-list. Dawn.Google Scholar
  83. Jalal, A. (2011). The past as present. In M. Lodhi (Ed.), Pakistan: Beyond the ‘crisis’ state (pp. 7–20). New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
  84. Jamal, H., & Khan, A. J. (2003). The changing profile of regional inequality. The Pakistan Development Review, 42(2), 113–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  85. Javaid, U. (2010, Summer). Corruption and its deep impact on good governance in Pakistan. Pakistan Economic and Social Review, 48(1), 123–134.Google Scholar
  86. Jetly, R. (2009). Resurgence of the Baluch movement in Pakistan: Emerging perspectives and challenges. In R. Jetly (Ed.), Pakistan in regional and global, politics (pp. 212–234). New Delhi: Routledge.Google Scholar
  87. Jorgic, D., Price, M., & Chatterjee, S. (2018, February 16). Pakistan could face economic pain from return to terrorist financing ‘grey list’. Reuters.Google Scholar
  88. Joscelyn, T. (2008, October 9). Evaluating the Uighur threat. The Long War Journal. Accessed February 12, 2019, from http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2008/10/evaluating_the_uighu.php
  89. Keck, Z. (2013, January 23). The geopolitics of Pakistan’s Shi’a problem. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  90. Keck, Z. (2014, October 22). Al-Qaeda declares war on China, too. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  91. Keister, J. (2014, December 9). The illusion of chaos why ungoverned spaces aren’t ungoverned, and why that matters (Policy Analysis, No. 766). Washington, DC: CATO Institute. Accessed February 12, 2019, from https://www.cato.org/publications/policy-analysis/illusion-chaos-why-ungoverned-spaces-arent-ungoverned-why-matters
  92. Kemal, A. R. (2005). Skill development in Pakistan. The Pakistan Development Review, 44(4), 349–357.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  93. Khattak, S. (2017, November 17). No K-P-proposed projects land among CPEC. The Express Tribune.Google Scholar
  94. Khattak, D, & Bezhan, F. (2018, June 3). ‘Everybody is scared’: Pakistani media fighting – And losing – Battle with ‘Extreme’ censorship. RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty.Google Scholar
  95. Kreutzmann, H. (2015). Boundaries and space in Gilgit-Baltistan. Contemporary South Asia, 23(3), 276–229.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  96. Kucera, J. (2011, August 1). Kashgar officials blame Pakistan for harboring Uyghur Terrorists. Blog. EURASIANET.org. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.eurasianet.org/node/63983
  97. Kukreja, V. (1989). Civil-military relations in developing countries. India Quarterly. A Journal of International Affairs, 45(2–3), 154–192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  98. Lan, J. (2015, December 9–10). India’s attitude toward CPEC and China’s countermeasure. Proceedings of International Conference on CPEC, held at GC University, Lahore on December 09–10, 2015. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://ps.gcu.edu.pk/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/111.pdf
  99. Lieven, A. (2011). Pakistan. A hard country. Allen Lane: Penguin Books.Google Scholar
  100. Malik, A. (2011). Political survival. Beyond ideology. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
  101. Malik, F. A. (2018c, May 9). Building a 21st century university. The Nation.Google Scholar
  102. Markey, D. S., & West, J. (2016, May 12). Behind China’s Gambit in Pakistan (Expert Brief). New York: Council on Foreign Relations (CfR).Google Scholar
  103. Martini, M. (2014). State capture: An overview. Anti-corruption help desk. Berlin: Transparency International.Google Scholar
  104. Martini, M. (2016). Corruption and governance indicators in selected Asian countries. U4 Expert Answer. Berlin: Transparency International Helpdesk.Google Scholar
  105. Mascarenhas, A. (1986). Bangladesh: A legacy of blood. London: Hodder and Stoughton.Google Scholar
  106. Masood, S. (2017, November 27). Pakistan strikes deal with Islamist protesters in Islamabad. The New York Times.Google Scholar
  107. Matta, B. (2015, February 18). China to neighbours: Send us your Uighurs. Aljazeera.Google Scholar
  108. Mehsud, S., & Golovnina, M. (2014, March 24). From his Pakistan hideout, Uighur leader vows revenge on China. Reuters.Google Scholar
  109. Meyer, P. (2016, June 14). China’s de-extremization of Uyghurs in Xinjiang (Policy Paper). Washington, DC: New America Foundation. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.newamerica.org/international-security/policy-papers/china-de-extremization-uyghurs-xinjiang/
  110. Mitra, S. K., Wolf, S. O., & Schöttli, J. (2006). A political and economic dictionary of South Asia. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
  111. Mir, S. (2016a, December 16). Removing CPEC bottlenecks: Tunnels may smoothen trade in winter. The Express Tribune.Google Scholar
  112. Mir, S. (2016b, October 28). CPEC: Chinese barred from working at Sost Dry Port. The Express Tribune. Google Scholar
  113. MPI. (2016). Multidimensional poverty in Pakistan. Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI). Islamabad: Government of Pakistan & United Nations Development Program Pakistan & Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.ophi.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Multidimensional-Poverty-in-Pakistan.pdf
  114. Mtimka, O. (2017, December 6). Why state capture is a regressive step for any society. Huffington Post. Google Scholar
  115. Murphy, E. (2013). The making of terrorism in Pakistan. Historical and social roots of extremism. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
  116. Murphy, E., & Malik, A. R. (2009). Pakistan Jihad: The making of religious terrorism. IPRI Journal, IX(2), 17–31.Google Scholar
  117. Nabi, A. (2016, December 28). List of military operations in Pakistan. Blog. Live Rostrum. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.liverostrum.com/pakistan-army-operations/1025510.html
  118. Nagri, J. (2018, February 17). PM decides to abolish Gilgit-Baltistan Council. Dawn.Google Scholar
  119. Nash, P. (2014, October 27). Al-Qaeda joins Islamic State in setting its sights on China. Diplomatic Courier. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.diplomaticourier.com/2014/10/27/al-qaeda-joins-islamic-state-in-setting-its-sights-on-china/
  120. Nation. (2018b, June 28). FATF: Gray or Black.Google Scholar
  121. Naveed, A., & Ali, N. (2012). Clustered Deprivation-district profile of poverty in Pakistan. Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI). Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://sdpi.org/publications/publication_details-358-36.html
  122. Neelakantan, S. (2018, June 29). Pakistani editorials lay blame for terror watchdog ‘grey listing’ country squarely on Islamabad. Time of India.Google Scholar
  123. Nelson, D. (2009, July 8). Pakistani president Asif Zardari admits creating terrorist groups. The Telegraph. Google Scholar
  124. Omelyanchuk, O. (2001). Explaining state capture and state capture modes: The cases of Russia and the Ukraine. Budapest: Central European University.Google Scholar
  125. Pantucci, R. (2016a, September 1). Now China, too, is in Isil’s firing line. The Telegraph.Google Scholar
  126. Pantucci, R. (2016b, July 15). China–Pakistan: With great investment comes some responsibility (RUSI Newsbrief). London: The Royal United Services Institute (RUSI). Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://rusi.org/publication/newsbrief/china%E2%80%93pakistan-great-investment-comes-some-responsibility
  127. Pantucci, R., & Schwarck, E. (2014). Transition in Afghanistan: Filling the security vacuum – The expansion of Uighur Extremism? (CIDOB Policy Research Project). Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB).Google Scholar
  128. Prasad, H. (2015a). State-sponsored terrorism: A non-solution for India’s relationship with Pakistan. International Affairs Review (IAR). George Washington University. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.iar-gwu.org/content/state-sponsored-terrorism-non-solution-india%E2%80%99s-relationship-pakistan
  129. Prasad, J. (2015b, September). One Belt and many Roads: China’s initiative and India’s response (DPG Issue Brief). New Delhi: Delhi Policy Group (DPG).Google Scholar
  130. Pring, C. (2017). People and corruption: Citizens’ voices around the world. Global Corruption Barometer 2017. Berlin: Transparency International. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/publication/people_and_corruption_citizens_voices_from_around_the_world
  131. Puri, L. (2009). Pakistan’s Northern areas: Time for a reality check. Economic and Political Weekly, 44(39), 13–15.Google Scholar
  132. Rabasa, A. (2008). Ungoverned territories. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Cooperation.Google Scholar
  133. Rahman, A. (2017). Challenges of disaster risk reduction in the Belt and Road. Bulletin of Chinese Academy of Science, 32(Z1), 52–61. Accessed February 13, 2019, from http://www.bulletin.cas.cn/publish_article/2017/Z1/2017Z120.htm
  134. Ramachandran, S. (2016b, September 29). Unrest in Gilgit-Baltistan and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Blog. The Central Asia Caucasus Analyst. Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/13396-unrest-in-gilgitbaltistan-and-the-china-pakistan-economic-corridor.html
  135. Rashid, A. (2009). The past is not another country: Democracy, development and power in Pakistan. In Heinrich Böll Stiftung (Ed.), Pakistan, denial and the complexity of its state. Vol. 16: Publication Series on Democracy (pp. 11–36). Berlin: Heinrich Böll Stiftung.Google Scholar
  136. Rashid, A. (2012). Descent into chaos: How the war against Islamic extremism is being lost in in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia. London: Penguin.Google Scholar
  137. Resurgence. (2014, Fall). Resurgence. The Magazine for a Resurgent Muslim Ummah (1). Accessed February 13, 2019, from https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B7-iVRya8BbQUFYxaXVrc3Z3YU0/view
  138. Reuters. (2014a, November 28). China rebukes Turkey for offer to shelter Uighur refugees.Google Scholar
  139. Reuters. (2015a, July 10), Thailand defends Uighur deportation to China: ‘We didn’t send them all back’. The Guardian.Google Scholar
  140. Reuters. (2015b, January 14). China arrests 10 Turks who may have helped terror suspects: Global Times. Reuters. Google Scholar
  141. RFA. (2010, April 6). Pakistan Uyghurs in Hiding. Radio Free Asia (RFA). Google Scholar
  142. RFA. (2011, August 10). Pakistan Deports Uyghurs. Radio Free Asia (RFA). Google Scholar
  143. RFA. (2015, June 29). Uyghur attackers came from ‘religious family’. Radio Free Asia (RFA). Google Scholar
  144. Riedel, B. (2009, June 23). Armageddon in Islamabad. The National Interest. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://nationalinterest.org/node/23185
  145. SADF. (2017b, January 10). Education: South Asia’s foundation for the future (SADF Policy Brief, No. 4). South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF), Brussels, Belgium.Google Scholar
  146. Sayeed, S., Johnson, K., & Hassan, S. R. (2018, April 18). Exclusive: Pakistan TV channel returning to air after negotiations with military – sources. Reuters.Google Scholar
  147. Sering, S. H. (2010). Constitutional impasse in Gilgit-Baltistan (Jammu and Kashmir): The fallout. Strategic Analysis, 34(3), 354–358.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  148. Sethi, N. (2014, August 15). Miltablishment’s end game. The Friday Times.Google Scholar
  149. Shah, S. A. (2016, September 9). 1.8m children still out of school in Balochistan. Dawn.Google Scholar
  150. Shams, S. (2015a, December 25). Opinion: Modi and Sharif mean business. Deutsche Welle.Google Scholar
  151. Sherwell, P. (2015, August 29), Bangkok bombing: Was it the Grey Wolves of Turkey? The Telegraph. Google Scholar
  152. Siddiqa, A. (2009). Military Inc. Inside Pakistan’s military economy. Karachi: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
  153. Singh, S. (2015, May 11). Those troubled peaks. Greater Chinese presence in Gilgit-Baltistan lends it geo-strategic significance. The Indian Express.Google Scholar
  154. Singh, M. (2016a, October 24). Is Turkey pivoting to China? (Policy Watch, No. 2715). Washington, DC: The Washington Institute. Accessed February 14, 2019, from https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/is-turkey-pivoting-to-china
  155. Singh, P. (2016b, March 4). Gilgit Baltistan as fifth province: Reconciling with the status quo? IDSA Comment. New Delhi: Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis (IDSA). Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/gilgit-baltistan-as-fifth-province_psingh_040316
  156. Small, A. (2015). The China-Pakistan axis: Asia’s new geopolitics. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  157. Sood, V. (2016, August 24). The strategic importance of Gilgit Baltistan. In ORF commentaries. New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation (ORF).Google Scholar
  158. Surya, A., & Tiba, Z. (2015, March 19). Uyghurs arrested in Indonesia to be tried, sent to China. Blog. BenarNews. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.benarnews.org/english/news/indonesian/indonesia-uyghurs-trial-03192015173141.html
  159. Syed, B. S. (2018a, June 29). Action plan negotiated with FATF to be implemented: FO. Dawn.Google Scholar
  160. Talukdar, S. (2018, February 24). FATF watchlist: Grey or black, no amount of coercion will succeed in forcing Pakistan to change its behavior. Firstpost. Google Scholar
  161. Tankel, S. (2011). Storming the world stage: The story of Lashkar-e-Taiba. Columbia: University Press.Google Scholar
  162. TI. (2018). Corruption perception index Pakistan 2017. Transparency International (TI): Islamabad.Google Scholar
  163. Tiezzi, S. (2015b, April 21). Can China’s investments bring peace to Pakistan? The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  164. Tiezzi, S. (2015d, January 15), China’s Uyghurs and Islamic State. The Diplomat.Google Scholar
  165. Tufail, S. (2018, May 5). Good governance in Pakistan. The Express Tribune.Google Scholar
  166. U.S. Department of State. (2002). List of foreign terrorist organizations. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/65479.pdf
  167. Waseem, A. (2016, July 21). 50 commercial entities being run by armed forces. Dawn.Google Scholar
  168. Watkins, K. E., & Marsick, V. J. (2014). Adult education and human resource development: Overlapping and disparate fields. New Horizons in Adult Education and Human Resource Development, 26(1), 42–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  169. Wirsing, R. G. (2008). Baloch nationalism and the geopolitics of energy resources: The changing context of separatism in Pakistan. Carlisle: US Strategic Studies Institute (SSI). Accessed February 14, 2019, from https://ssi.armywarcollege.edu/pdffiles/PUB853.pdf
  170. Wolf, S. O. (2012a, May 18). The good neighbour: China’s alternative strategy in Afghanistan. The Independent (Bangladesh). Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/2826/
  171. Wolf, S. O. (2013d, June). General elections in Pakistan 2013: Some reflections (APSA Comment No. 5). Heidelberg: Applied Political Science of South Asia (APSA).Google Scholar
  172. Wolf, S. O. (2013f, April 19). Imran Khan – A twist in the tale? The Independent (Bangladesh). Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/2855/1/SOW.ImranKhan.20131904.pdf
  173. Wolf, S. O. (2013j, February 8). Rebel or stakeholder? No need for a Pakistani Tahrir Square for Qadri’s people’s democratic revolution. The Independent (Bangladesh). Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://crossasia-repository.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/2849/1/SOW.QadriRebelStakeholder.20130802.pdf
  174. Wolf, S. O. (2015a, July 21). It’s not only about illegal migration & international law: The Uighur Conundrum. E-International Relations. Accessed February 14, 2019, from http://www.e-ir.info/2015/07/21/its-not-only-about-illegal-migration-international-law-the-uighur-conundrum/
  175. Wolf, S. O. (2016d, September 13). China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, civil-military relations and democracy in Pakistan (SADF Working Paper No. 2). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  176. Wolf, S. O. (2016f, June 26). Will North-Waziristan turn into a Jihadist hub after Operation Zarb-e-Azb again? (SADF Comment No. 5). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  177. Wolf, S. O. (2016i, January 12). From China to Turkey: The Uighurs in a position of a new Asia’s rising force in the global jihad (SADF Focus No. 27). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  178. Wolf, S. O. (2017a, September 27). Genocide, exodus and exploitation for jihad: The urgent need to address the Rohingya crisis (SADF Working Paper, No. 6). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  179. Wolf, S. O. (2017d, June 8). CPEC development and its impact on Balochistan (SADF Comment, Vol. 91). Brussels: South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF).Google Scholar
  180. Xu, B., Fletcher, H., & Jayshree B. (2014, September 4). The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). CFR Backgrounder. New York: Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).Google Scholar
  181. Yasir, S. (2016, January 13). Why Pakistan is unlikely to change present status of Gilgit-Baltistan region. Firstpost. Google Scholar
  182. Younus, U. (2018, March 1). How will being on the FATF grey-list actually impact Pakistan? The Diplomat.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020

Authors and Affiliations

  • Siegfried O. Wolf
    • 1
  1. 1.South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF)BrusselsBelgium

Personalised recommendations