Poland: Socialism for Everyman?

  • George Kolankiewicz
  • Ray Taras

Abstract

More than most nations, Poland provides a most pertinent example of the role that historical consciousness may play in a nation’s emergence from subservience. Partitioned for nearly 150 years, Poland came to depend heavily upon history and tradition as a means of maintaining its national integrity in the face of its official dismemberment. Its subsequent experience has done little to modify the intensity of ‘living history’, that continual appropriation of the past by the citizens of the present.1 Historical controversies have sustained an immediacy not always intelligible to the members of the more historically phlegmatic nations.

Keywords

Political Institution Political Culture Party Member Political Knowledge Political Efficacy 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    N. Assorodobraj, ‘Zywa historia: świadomość historyczna, symptomy i propozycje badawcze’, Studia socjologiczne, no. 2 (1963).Google Scholar
  2. 3.
    H. Michalowska, Salony artystyczno-literackie w Warszawie 1832–60 (Warsaw, 1974 ).Google Scholar
  3. 5.
    A. Gieysztor et al., History of Poland (Warsaw, 1968) p. 596.Google Scholar
  4. 6.
    B. Szacka, ‘Zmiany w świadomości historycsnej spoleczeństwa polskiego’, Kwartalnik historyczny, no. 2 (1973).Google Scholar
  5. 7.
    J. Possart, ‘Niektóre elementy świadomości historycznej mieszkańców miast Polski wspólczesnej’, Studia socjologiczne no. 1 (1967). This was a questionnaire survey of 1811 adult urban inhabitants of varying social background.Google Scholar
  6. 10.
    P. Wandycz, Soviet—Polish Relations 1917–21 (Harvard, 1969) and PobógMalinowski, op. cit., vol. t 1. A ‘forgotten war’ in both East and West, although for different reasons.Google Scholar
  7. 11.
    A. Polonsky, Politics in Independent Poland 1921–39 (Oxford, 1972) p. 52.Google Scholar
  8. See also J. Holzer, Mozaika polityczna drugiej rzeczypospolitej (Warsaw, 1974 ).Google Scholar
  9. 12.
    E. D. Wynot, Jr., Polish Politics in Transition (Athens, Georgia, 1974) PP. 234–235.Google Scholar
  10. 15.
    S. Nowak et al., ‘Ciaglość i zmiana tradycji kulturowej’, unpublished manuscript (University of Warsaw, 1974). A summary of the results has been published in Polityka 10 April 1976.Google Scholar
  11. 17.
    J. Wiatr, Czy zmierzch ery ideologii? (Warsaw, 1968) p. 208.Google Scholar
  12. 18.
    M. Szaniawska, ‘Swiatopogl4d mlodzieiy’, OBOP, Spoleczeństwo polskie w badaniach ankietowych (Warsaw, 1966) p. 58.Google Scholar
  13. 22.
    I. Jundzill, Aktywizacja wychowawcža mlodzieiy (Warsaw, 1974) p. 236.Google Scholar
  14. 27.
    No respondent could foresee the triumph of capitalism. J. Jerschina, Osobowość spoleczna studentów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego chlopskiego pochodzenia (Wroclaw, 1972 ).Google Scholar
  15. 29.
    J. Koralewicz-Zebik, System wartości a struktura spoleczna (Warsaw 1974).Google Scholar
  16. 30.
    J. Hoser, Zawód i praca iniyniera (Wroclaw, 1970) chapters III and IV.Google Scholar
  17. 41.
    See T. Mazowiecki, Rozdroza i wartości (Warsaw, 1970 );Google Scholar
  18. J. Zablocki, Na polskim skrzyzowaniu dróg (Warsaw, 1972 ).Google Scholar
  19. 50.
    J. Kulpińska, Spoleczna aktywność pracowników przedsigbiorstwa przemyslowego (Wroclaw, 1969) pp. 80–3.Google Scholar
  20. 54.
    J. Fiszman, ‘Political Socialisation in People’s Poland’, International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, x, no.1 (1973) p. 35. Generally self-censorship in popular publications leads to narrower limits being set than if an external censor had imposed his limits, and is therefore a more effective device.Google Scholar
  21. 55.
    S. Chodak, ‘How was Political Sociology Possible in Poland?’, International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, x, no. 1 (1973) p. 59.Google Scholar
  22. Two general accounts of the kind of controls imposed on the press are: A. Buzek, How the Communist Press Works (London, 1964 );Google Scholar
  23. B. Michalski, Prawo dziennikarza do informacji (Kraków, 1974 ).Google Scholar
  24. 56.
    M. Hirszowicz, ‘Marxism, Revisionism and Academic Sociology in Poland’, International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, x, no. 1 (1973) PP. 40–52.Google Scholar
  25. 60.
    A. Bromke, Poland’s Politics: Idealism vs Realism (Harvard, 1967 ).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  26. 61.
    See F. Znaniecki, Ludžie terazniejsi a cywilizacja przyszlości (Warsaw, 1974 ).Google Scholar
  27. 65.
    W. Kiezun, Autonomizacja jednostek organizacyjnych (Warsaw, 1971 ).Google Scholar
  28. 68.
    See M. Kutym et al., Funkcja śrwiadomośći historycznej i efekty polityki oświatowej w procesach integracji (Opole, 1974 );Google Scholar
  29. W. Markiewicz, Socjologia a sluzba spoleczna (Poznań, 1972 ).Google Scholar
  30. 70.
    See N. Bethell, Gomulka (London, 1972 );Google Scholar
  31. T. Cieplak, Poland since 1956 (New York, 1972 );Google Scholar
  32. A. Bromke, J. Strong (eds), Gierek’s Poland (New York, 1973). For a case study of one alienated group, the Ruch movement, see Sqd orzekl (Paris, 1972 ).Google Scholar
  33. 79.
    J. Szczepański, Odmiany czasu teražniejszego (Warsaw, 1973) pp. 313–15.Google Scholar
  34. 80.
    A. Gramsci, ‘Wstgp do studi6w nad filozofi4 i materializmem’, Pima wybrane, 1 (Warsaw, 1961) p. 48.Google Scholar
  35. 85.
    A. Borucki, Kariery zawodowe i postawy spoleczne inteligencji PRL 1945–1959 (Wroclaw, 1967 ).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© George Kolankiewicz and Ray Taras 1979

Authors and Affiliations

  • George Kolankiewicz
  • Ray Taras

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations