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Part of the book series: Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science ((BSPS,volume 302))

Abstract

The chapter is an attempt to pay tribute to an exemplary scholar and to review Ben-David’s formation and intellectual positions, in the context of his own environment and on the basis of the spectrum of contributions collated in this anthology.

In this Epilogue Ben-David’s professional development, from that of a young Hungarian refugee and immigrant to Palestine to that of a preeminent scholar of science and higher education, is sketched, and aspects within Ben-David’s system of thinking are emphasized which might form a base on which to build.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In his introduction to Karl Mannheim’s “Ideology & Utopia”, Louis Wirth referred in 1936 to such phenomena as “perversities of culture” (Mannheim 1985/1936, xii).

  2. 2.

    In this passage, I rely here in particular on Miriam Ben-David’s recollections, “On Joseph Ben-David” (Ben-David 2009); see also Ben-David (2012).

  3. 3.

    The list of social scientists who had spent the academic year of 1957–58 at the Center for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences and who formed a close relationship with Ben-David also included Ralf Dahrendorf, David Landes, David Mandelbaum, Robert Solow, Fritz Stern, George Stigler, Milton Singer, Ithiel de Sola Pool, Charles Glock, Benson Ginsburg, and Louis Gottschalk (personal communication by Miriam Ben-David). See also Miriam Ben-David (2009, 2012).

  4. 4.

    For a bibliography of Ben-David’s writings see: Ben-David (1991a, 561–568). In the following I shall refer only to a subset of Ben-David’s writings, namely those that appear central to the discussions of this volume.

  5. 5.

    He also participated in an evaluation by the OECD of the Japanese higher education system (OECD 1971); see Takeishi (2012).

  6. 6.

    With Liah Greenfeld as assistant.

  7. 7.

    Published posthumously.

  8. 8.

    Robert Merton’s note was originally published as the Introduction to Barber (1952).

  9. 9.

    Or, conversely, his thesis of “role-hybridization” emerged also on the basis of personal experiences.

  10. 10.

    In practice, however, the distinction between philosophy of science, on the one hand, and sociology of science (concerned mainly with micro-sociological aspects) or sociology of knowledge (concerned mainly with macro-sociological aspects), on the other, is frequently blurred. Philosophy of science, on the whole, deals with norms of scientific activities, mostly distinct from the social structures within which science is embedded; sociology of science or sociology of knowledge, on the other hand, specifically focus on the interplay between science and social structure.

  11. 11.

    The concept of the ‘Humboldtian system’, or the ‘Humboldtian university’, appear to have emerged in the 20th century, more than 100 years after Humboldt’s contribution in 1809 (von Humboldt 1964a); see Paletschek (2001, 77). Furthermore, earlier reforms in Göttingen (1737) and Halle (1787) appeared to have provided the foundation for the new university culture (vom Brocke 2001, 367).

  12. 12.

    One should not read ‘German’, hence, in a too constricted way. The German—Humboldtian—university was the role model in Prussia and Germany in general, but also in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and in bordering nations not governed by the Napoleonic system.

  13. 13.

    The Massachusetts Institute of Technology admitted its first students in 1865; Johns Hopkins University, the first full-fledged research university in the US, was founded 1876; Harvard initiated a university reform under President Eliot who took office in 1869.

  14. 14.

    President Eliot of Harvard introduced the elective system, emulating a German praxis, and the subsequent continent-wide implementation of a credit system by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching at the beginning of the 20th century preceded the introduction of a European credit system by roughly 100 years.

  15. 15.

    For a critical review of Flexner’s position, see Clark Kerr (1994b). It is clear that the German university was held in high esteem in the 1930s in the US, and when Abraham Flexner (Bonner 2002), a respected scholar and educator, published a positive assessment of the German university he had just studied in 1930, it was well received. But the reception of Flexner’s book was misguided and it did not have, fortunately, lasting effects. Clark Kerr (2001a,b), the ‘architect’ and the president of the University of California System (1958–1967), assesses the situation with the following words (Kerr 1994b, x):

    “[…] Flexner was so wrong about the German universities he so revered, so wrong about how good they really were—they had collapsed by 1933 and partly of their own doing; and so wrong about the American universities that he so scorned—they were on their way to becoming the best on the world”.

    Kerr (1994b, xxvii) sadly notes, referring to the autobiography of Flexner (1940), that as late as in the last years of the 1930s and—in Flexner’s words—“despite the ravages of the war”, Flexner still considered the German universities “the best in the world”.

    It is unclear what Kerr had meant with his allusion to the collapse of the German universities “partly of their own doing”, but he may have had two factors in mind: the racial policies of the Nazi regime with their negative affect on the German university (we need not talk of the negative effects on the victims of the Nazi regime), and an inherent deficiency of the German university model as it entered the 20th century.

  16. 16.

    If we were to hypothesize a linear relationship between the number of fields and the time for their emergence, this would roughly mean an addition of a bit more than one field (or discipline) per year. The assumption of a 1.7 % growth per annum in the number of scientific fields (or disciplines) is more realistic. This would translate into roughly 15 fields by the year 1845, 38 fields by 1900, 97 fields by 1955, and 245 fields today.

  17. 17.

    In today’s language, we would perhaps talk of trans-disciplinarity instead of role-hybridization. In the case of trans-disciplinary approaches, conceptual frameworks or models are generally imported from a foreign discipline (such as from physics or biology into economics) whereas role-hybridization was seen by Ben-David primarily in terms of an export, as a shift from an established discipline to a new sub-discipline. However, trans-disciplinary approaches also take place in the form of exporting concepts and models, such as when representatives of one discipline (e.g. physics) move into another discipline (e.g. sociology).

  18. 18.

    The information (or computer) sciences, formed through branches of mathematics and electrical engineering (between 1950 and 1970), may serve as examples; or the environmental sciences, formed through branches of chemistry, (organismic) biology, physics, and social sciences (between 1960 and 1980).

  19. 19.

    This happens with some frequency in engineering when technologies disappear, or when technologies become so ‘simple’ that they find their home in lower graded (vocational) schools.

  20. 20.

    Ben-David (1991b, 62) also talks of “idea-hybridization”, i.e. “the combination of ideas taken from different fields into a new intellectual synthesis”, and he continues “[t]he latter does not attempt to bring about a new academic or professional role, nor does it generally give rise to a coherent and sustained movement with a permanent tradition”, an obviously false conclusion from today’s perspective.

  21. 21.

    From today’s perspective, Ben-David’s insistence on standing differentials is open to debate, and it appears to play a minor part in his legacy. Furthermore, there are a range of motives for scholars pursuing a line of research, but there are not that many outstanding scholars who move to a new field because “the conditions of competition [in the new field] are better”: innovators like Alan Turing, John von Neumann or Donald Knuth clearly had other motives guiding their research.

  22. 22.

    In the case of retirement of an existing chair holder (Emeritierung), a scholar was sought who could continue the tradition—and the specific research focus—of the particular chair. In this way, lineages of descendants could be drawn, like those of the royalty. Even today, if there is an open faculty position at a university with a strong Humboldtian tradition, reference may be made not only to the field of the candidate for such a position, but also to the person who held the chair before, and that his Nachfolge (successor) is to be sought.

  23. 23.

    E.g. the Institut für Baumaterialprüfung (EMPA) of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (1880), the Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt (PTR) in Berlin (1887), or the US National Institute of Standards (1901).

  24. 24.

    This averting from the old ideal took place before the creation of the mythos Humboldt (Ash 1997). Ben-David (1977a, 103) argues that “teaching was institutionally separated from research, first within the university through the concentration of research in ‘institutes’ that were personal research establishments of professors virtually separated from the university, and subsequently—in 1911, through the founding of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft—by establishing pure research institutions without any teaching function at all”.

  25. 25.

    Corresponding organizations were formed for instance in Italy (CNR in 1923) and France (CNRS in 1939).

  26. 26.

    A related question emerges, not to be pursued within these pages, why certain emigrant scholars, such as Adorno or Horkheimer, decided to return to Germany after World War II. See in this respect also Wolin (2001).

  27. 27.

    Harriet Zuckerman (1996/1977, 71) makes a similar observation: “In reckoning the extent of the Nazi effect, we cannot indulge in the conjectural history and suppose that the young Hitler-émigrés who left Germany and later did prize-winning [Nobel] research would have done work of the same significance had they stayed. Indeed, as more than one said in the course of my interviews with them, having being forced to leave Germany turned out to be the best thing that could have happened to them. The United States provided an attractive and hospitable climate for their work, and for many, ample resources as well.”

  28. 28.

    Max Perutz and Ernst Gombrich would have had no immediate reason to flee to the UK, the Vienna Circle would have remained active in its old location longer, et cetera. According to Ben-David (1984/1971, 138), “[i]t is a futile question to ask whether the shift [of the academic center, from Germany to Britain and the US] could have been reversed [or prevented], if the Nazis had not taken over the country, as the universities were part of the system which made the Nazi take-over possible”.

  29. 29.

    There is an extensive literature which deals with the themes mentioned, and the references given are just illustrative.

  30. 30.

    Harvard (founded 1636), William & Mary (1693), Yale (1718), Princeton (1746), University of Pennsylvania (1749), Columbia (1754), Brown University (1764), University of North Carolina (1789, the first state university).

  31. 31.

    One should add here that the US university, in contrast to the German university, was also much more liberal regarding the fields or specialities which could be assembled under the umbrella of a university. Harvard university, for instance, included Landscape Architecture in its program one year after the American Society of Landscape Architects was founded in 1899. In the late 1990s, the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zürich decided against a program in landscape architecture on the ground that such field is not ‘academic’ enough (the decision was reversed a few years later). See in this respect also Chap. 9 by Ivan Chompalov.

  32. 32.

    There are, of course, scholars and senior administrators who tend to belittle this quality gradient, or they claim that educational systems are difficult to compare because they tend to serve different aims.

  33. 33.

    A detailed argument along these lines clearly lies outside the scope of this Epilogue.

  34. 34.

    The ‘foot vote’ of academics may or may not be taken as a proper indicator of institutional quality: academics migrate towards the more prestigious departments, but they can also be ‘bought’ or lured to move by prospects of higher salary, lower teaching loads, better working conditions or homesickness. Max-Planck-Institutes, for instance, are prone to lure (back) well established senior scientists by offering them extravagant employment conditions to the detriment of the junior scholars (Münch 2007).

  35. 35.

    Additional measures exist which might serve as quality indicators: quality of incoming students, drop-out (or graduation) rates, quality of graduating students, academic employment prospects, student-faculty and staff-faculty ratios, degree of internationalization of faculty and students, et cetera.

  36. 36.

    Prague (2001), Berlin (2003), Bergen (2005), London (2007), Louvain-la-Neuve (2009), Budapest and Vienna (2010), and Bucharest (2012).

  37. 37.

    There are national top-down initiatives as well; in the UK, the Research Assessment Exercise should be mentioned (see Chap. 8 by Andrew Abbott); and in Germany, an Excellence Initiative was launched (see Chap. 6 by Richard Münch).

  38. 38.

    With 1:7 in the faculty of philosophy, 1:12 in the field of medicine, 1:32 in law, and 1:40 in theology (Lexis 1904; Paulsen 1920/1906).

  39. 39.

    With 1:16 in philosophy, 1:15 in medicine, 1:59 in law, and 1:17 in theology.

  40. 40.

    From 1:18 (1930) to 1:28 (1950) to 1:47 (1980) (Stadler 1983).

  41. 41.

    The corresponding figures are the following: 1:19 (1930), 1:35 (1950), and 1:23 (1980) (Bergier and Tobler 1980); the reversing of the trend was short lived, as the subsequent figures show.

  42. 42.

    RWTH Aachen (1:83), Technische Universität Darmstadt (1:50), TU Delft (1:54), Universität Karlsruhe (1:48), Technische Universität Wien (1:67), University of Zürich (1:63), Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zürich (1:34) (Herbst et al. 2002).

  43. 43.

    At the time President Eliot took office (1869), Harvard was characterized by a faculty-student ratio of 1:13; at the time he left office (1909), the corresponding indicator was 1:12 (Lewis 2006, 35). Today Harvard University has a faculty-student ratio of 1:14 (Harvard University 2008). In the case of the Stanford University, the ratios were: 1:16 (1900), 1:17 (1930), 1:21 (1950), 1:10 (1980), and 1:10 (2000); see: http://www.stanford.edu/about/facts/chron.html.

  44. 44.

    Friedman was a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford University (1957–58).

  45. 45.

    It is clear that certain science is technology intensive and can only be pursued with the proper equipment. On the other hand, there is also ample evidence that technology can be used as a substitute for thinking.

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Herbst, M. (2014). The Legacy of Joseph Ben-David. In: Herbst, M. (eds) The Institution of Science and the Science of Institutions. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 302. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7407-0_10

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