Abstract
In this chapter, Crosby follows the battle over the poisonous woman into the ephemera of antebellum popular culture. She examines how fake, sensational “true crime” pamphlets and “Tom shows”—the wildly popular unauthorized dramatic adaptations of Uncle Tom’s Cabin—tried to squeeze Harriet Beecher Stowe’s medicinal poisoner back into old, misogynist, and racist frames, such as the Democratic poisoner. Crosby, however, observes that Stowe pushed back by partnering with Mary Webb, an actress of mixed African and Spanish ethnicity, to create their own dramatic adaptation, The Christian Slave, which further amplified Cassy’s heroic centrality and active homeopathic resistance to white male supremacy.
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- 1.
See especially Eric Gardner, “Stowe Takes the Stage: Harriet Beecher Stowe’s The Christian Slave,” Legacy 15, no. 1 (1998): 78–84 and Susan Clark, “Solo Black Performance before the Civil War: Mrs. Stowe, Mrs. Webb, and ‘The Christian Slave,’” New Theater Quarterly 52, no. 13 (1997): 339–48.
- 2.
Michael Winship, “Uncle Tom’s Cabin: History of the Book in the 19th-Century United States” Uncle Tom’s Cabin: A Multi Media Archive, dir. Stephen Railton, 2007, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/interpret/exhibits/winship/winship.html (22 March 2018). For more on the consumer, material culture surrounding Uncle Tom’s Cabin, see Louise L. Stevens, “Virtue Displayed: The Tie-Ins of Uncle Tom’s Cabin” Uncle Tom’s Cabin: A Multi Media Archive, dir. Stephen Railton, 2007, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/interpret/exhibits/stevenson/stevenson.html (10 September 2014) and Thomas F. Gossett, Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1985).
- 3.
John Frick nicely summarizes the contrast between the book’s readers and the Tom shows’ initial viewers: “It was…[a] ‘rough,’ uncultured, lower-class audience—an audience that was significantly different from the largely female [middle-class?] readership of Stowe’s novel—that provided the backbone of the first audiences of the stage versions of Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” John W. Frick, Uncle Tom’s Cabin on the American Stage and Screen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 17. For a brief overview of the basic contrasts between Stowe’s play and the Tom shows, see Eric Gardner, introduction to The Christian Slave, by Harriet Beecher Stowe, in Major Voices: The Drama of Slavery, ed. Eric Gardner (New Milford, CT: Toby Press, 2005), 259–264. See also, Bruce McConachie, “Out of the Kitchen and into the Marketplace: Normalizing Uncle Tom’s Cabin for the Antebellum Stage,” The Journal of American Drama and Theater 3 (1991): 5–28; Clark, “Solo Black Performance”; Gardner, “Stowe Takes the Stage.”
- 4.
Clark notes “the audience’s identification of Mrs. Webb with the character of Cassy.” Clark, “Solo Black Performance,” 346. Gardner also points out that Webb’s “consistent readings of the scenes that feature Cassy’s life story…which arguably are not central to the novel, suggests that Cassy—who is filled not just with pathos but with an anger that actually suggests violence—was the slave woman Webb most wanted the audience to hear.” Eric Gardner, “‘A Nobler End’: Mary Webb and the Victorian Platform,” Nineteenth-Century Prose 29, no. 1 (2002): 108.
- 5.
Lora Romero, Home Fronts: Domesticity and its Critics in the Antebellum United States (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), 81.
- 6.
George Lippard, The Midnight Queen (New York: Garrett & Co., 1853), 25.
- 7.
George Lippard, The Bank Director’s Son, a Real and Intensely Interesting Revelation of City Life. Containing an Authentic Account of the Wonderful Escape of the Beautiful Kate Watson, from a Flaming Building in the City of Philadelphia (Philadelphia: E. E. Barclay and A. R. Orton, 1852).
- 8.
Thomas M. McDade, “Lurid Literature of the Last Century: The Publications of E. E. Barclay,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 80, no. 4 (1956): 457.
- 9.
In the closest he ever came to a company mission statement, Barclay asserted his veracity, claiming that, “Our books embrace truthful, personal narratives; lives and trials of criminals, such as murderers, assassins, poisoners, and so on; works on travel and true adventures on sea and land.” From a pamphlet Barclay produced in 1841, The Burglar’s Companion; or, Fatal Elopement of Sarah Williamson, The Misguided Victim of Artful Depravity. Quoted in Thomas McDade, “Lurid Literature,” 453
- 10.
According to the McElroy’s Directory held in the city’s National Archives, his residence was at 580 South 5th Street and his business nearby at 113 Chestnut Street. In 1857 the bottom dropped out of the antebellum publishing industry, but it seems likely that Orton died. Although Philadelphia cemetery records do not mention an Arthur Orton, the city directory for 1857 no longer shows “Arthur R. Orton, publisher” living at his 1856 address. Rather, it lists the resident as “Elizabeth A. Orton,” probably Orton’s wife and, as the newly listed resident, also possibly his widow. Other potential indicators of Orton’s demise are the movements of his protégé, M. A. Milliette. In 1856, Milliette produced his first “true” female poisoner pamphlet, The Life, Adventure, and Elopement of Emily La Croix, The Poisoner. But he only appeared under his own independent business address for the first time in 1857—just a couple doors away from where Orton worked. Elizabeth maintained an association with Milliette. In 1858, she was listed as resident at 13th and Christian Street, and in 1859 Milliette finally received a residence line in the directory at 1311 Christian Street, while Elizabeth disappeared again from the listings. The next year Alexander Milliette (the “A” in M. A.?) was listed as a publisher at that address, while M. A. Milliette vanished from the Philadelphia directory. M. A. Milliette’s absence from previous directories could be explained by his status as a boarder—perhaps with the Ortons. And his continuing association with the widow Orton, particularly his taking over her address, may suggest a marriage. (Is it possible that Orton suffered a death worthy of one of his sensational female poisoner plots? A wife, frustrated by her husband’s business failures and consequent ill temper, turns for consolation to his sympathetic but ambitious junior partner, who is striking out on his own for the first time. Like Isabella Narvaez, she poisons her husband, waits a suitable period, and marries his friend. Unlikely, but it would certainly make a sensational “truthful” end to a sensational “truthful” career.)
- 11.
Zilla Fitz James, the Female Bandit of the South-West, or the Horrible, Mysterious, and Awful Disclosures in the Life of the Creole Murderess, Zilla Fitz James, Paramour and Accomplice of Green H. Long, the Treble Murderer, for the Space of Six Years. An Autobiographical Narrative, Edited by Rev. A. Richards (Little Rock, Arkansas: A. R. Orton, 1852), 21.
- 12.
The Life, Career, and Awful Death by the Garote, of Margaret C. Waldegrave; otherwise Margaret C. Florence—Alias Mrs. Belleville, Madame Rolande, Madame Le Hocq, the Poisoner and Murderess, at Havana, Cuba, June 9th, 1852. For the Murder of Charles D. Ellas, Lorenzo Cordoval, and Pierre Dupont (April 14th, 1852), who were Three Desperate Members of a Powerful, and Sanguinary Band of Robber, Counterfeiters, and Assassins, known as, “The Alumni” (New Orleans, Charleston, Baltimore, and Philadelphia: A. R. Orton,1852) (which also appeared in a German-language version) and Ellen Irving, the Female Victimizer, who Cruelly Murdered Sixteen Persons in Cool Blood, for Revenge on her First Love, William Shannon, who had Betrayed her. Also an Account of her Association with Charles Dorian, an Italian Murderer. Complete in one Volume. Edited by Rev. Robert B. Russell. (Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Buffalo: A. R. Orton, 1856).
- 13.
Isabella Narvaez, the Female Fiend and Triple Murderess, or The Life, Confession and Execution of Isabella Narvaez, the Atrocious Murderess of Three Husbands: who was Hung at Shelbyville, Mo., Friday, Sept. 30, 1853. (Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Buffalo: A. R. Orton, 1855), 27–29.
- 14.
David S. Reynolds, Beneath the American Renaissance: The Subversive Imagination in the Age of Emerson and Melville (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 77. Diane Roberts, by contrast, emphasizes that, because Cassy has subverted the binaries the south used to enable slavery and finally escaped it, “even the calming of Cassy’s monumental rage does not diminish its subversive power.” Diane Roberts, The Myth of Aunt Jemima: Representations of Race and Region (London: Routledge, 1994), 53.
- 15.
Frick, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, xii. “Scripting Uncle Tom,” in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/onstage/scripts/schp.html (21 November 2014). Railton’s site is an indispensable resource for studying the Uncle Tom phenomenon, and much of the basic information about the Aiken and Conway play that I cover in the following two paragraphs can be found there. I draw on Birdoff and Frick’s research, as well. Frick, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, 29–106 and Harry Birdoff, The World’s Greatest Hit: Uncle Tom’s Cabin (New York: S. F. Vanni, 1947).
- 16.
As Sarah Robbins sums it up, “many people who had never read the novel saw the play, forging their understanding of Uncle Tom and his story based solely on performance text.” The Cambridge Introduction to Harriet Beecher Stowe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 73. One estimate has 50 people seeing the play for every one who read the book. Thomas Gossett, Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1985), 260.
- 17.
“Aiken’s Uncle Tom,” in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/onstage/scripts/aikenhp.html (14 January 2015).
- 18.
“H. J. Conway’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/onstage/scripts/conwayhp.html (14 January 2015).
- 19.
For example, on Conway’s popular preeminence, see Judith Williams, “Uncle Tom’s Women,” in African American Performance and Theater History: A Critical Reader, ed. Harry J. Elam and David Krasner (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 21. For Aiken’s, see Thomas L. Riis, “The Music and Musicians in Nineteenth-Century Productions of Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” American Music 4, no. 3 (1986): 269.
- 20.
Bruce McConachie, “Out of the Kitchen,” 7 and Susan Clark, “Solo Black Performance,” 341.
- 21.
Meserve notes: “The common quality in all [Jacksonian] theatre was the hero of the play, whose spectacular accomplishments onstage reinforced the believers in self-reliance, provided the ‘self-made man’ with a model and created a romantic escape for the self-suppressed.” Walter J. Meserve, Heralds of Promise: The Drama of the American People during the Age of Jackson, 1829–1849 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 7. For an examination of how African American actors were violently excluded from such representations (and the Jacksonian theater altogether), see Shane White, Stories of Freedom in Black New York (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002).
- 22.
Rosemarie K. Bank notes the “artisan rhetoric” amplified in Aiken’s play and how all the vocal female critics are erased so that only Eliza is left as the imperiled contrast to oppressive capitalism, and so on. Bank, Theatre Culture, 148.
- 23.
George Aiken, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, in Major Voices: The Drama of Slavery, ed. Eric Gardner (New Milford, CT: Toby Press, 2005), 249.
- 24.
For the centrality of that “sensation scene” of Eliza jumping over the Ohio, see Amy Hughes, Spectacles of Reform: Theater and Activism in Nineteenth-Century America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2012), 86–117. For an analysis of the contrasting depictions of Eliza, see Stephanie Smith, Conceived by Liberty, 101–05.
- 25.
Les Harrison argues that Aiken’s play participated in an attempt at “cultural gentrification” meant to appeal to the middle class and Conway’s aligned itself with “a rhetoric…of equality” and “dialogue,” intended to draw in diverse audiences and opinion. This is an approach akin to the “operational aesthetic” that underlay Democratic praxis and supported Democratic hegemony and shows Conway’s deeper investment in Democratic narratives. Nevertheless, this supposed egalitarian approach is again vetted through the Democratic female allegory and so balanced upon the victimization of women. Les Harrison, The Temple and the Forum: The American Museum and Cultural Authority in Hawthorne, Melville, Stowe, and Whitman (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2007), 130–132. Judith Williams compares the representations of Cassy in the Aiken and Conway plays, and she finds the former “defeated” and the latter “stronger” and perhaps even “revolutionary.” I agree, but I think we also need to ask, “Revolutionary for whom?” Conway makes her a Tender Avenger, whose revolutionary energy is devoted to restoring the common man’s sexual privilege. Williams, “Uncle Tom’s Women,” 29–30.
- 26.
H. J. Conway, Uncle Tom; or Life among the Lowly, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://utc.iath.virginia.edu/onstage/scripts/osplhcaVt.html (14 January 2015), 142–143.
- 27.
Ibid., 159.
- 28.
Birdoff, World’s Greatest Hit, 87.
- 29.
Quoted in H. Philip Bolton, Women Writers Dramatized: A Calendar of Performances from Narrative Works Published in English to 1900 (London: Mansell, 2000), xvii.
- 30.
David Grimsted, Melodrama Unveiled: American Theater and Culture, 1800–1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 62.
- 31.
Alan L. Ackerman, Jr., The Portable Theater: American Literature and the Nineteenth-Century Stage (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), xii.
- 32.
Rosemarie K. Bank, Theatre Culture in America, 1825–1860 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 137.
- 33.
Henry Ward Beecher, “Popular Amusements,” in Lectures to Young Men on Various Important Subjects (Salem: John P. Jewett & Co., 1846), 167.
- 34.
Helen Horowitz, Rereading Sex: Battles over Sexual Knowledge and Suppression in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2002), 125.
- 35.
Claudia Johnson, Church and Stage: The Theater as Target of Religious Condemnation in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: McFarland, 2008), 9, 11.
- 36.
Reverend Samuel Gover Winchester, The Theatre (Philadelphia: William S. Martien, 1840), 156.
- 37.
Lyman Beecher, “Sermon at Tremont Theatre, Boston, July, 5 1843,” Boston Recorder 13 July 1843. Reproduced in Harrold C. Shiffler, “The Opposition of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America to the Theatre in America, 1750–1891” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 1953), 425. For all of Beecher’s crowing, the Tremont had failed largely because “the theater was regarded strictly as the resort of wealth and fashion and never caught on with the common people.” Laurence Senelick, The Age and Stage of George L. Fox, 1825–1877 (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1999), 3.
- 38.
Horowitz, Rereading Sex, 127, 126.
- 39.
Les Harrison observes “the emergence of two distinct cultural axes in New York City” with separate theater cultures for the upper class and working class. Barnum’s Museum, he notes, “occupied a culturally uncertain position right at the dividing point between the two axes.” Harrison, Temple and the Forum, 130.
- 40.
Quoted in H. Philip Bolton, Women Writers Dramatized: A Calendar of Performances from Narrative Works Published in English to 1900 (London: Mansell, 2000), xvii.
- 41.
Bruce A. McConachie, “Museum Theatre and the Problem of Respectability for Mid-century Urban Americans,” in The American Stage: Social and Economic Issues from the Colonial Period to the Present, eds. Ron Engle and Tice L. Miller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 65–80.
- 42.
Anna Cora Mowatt, Autobiography of an Actress; Or, Eight Years on the Stage (Boston: Ticknor, Reed, and Fields, 1853), 439, 441.
- 43.
Mowatt, Autobiography, 39.
- 44.
“Abolition Dramatized,” National Anti-Slavery Standard reprinted from New York Tribune August 1853, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (9 June 2009); “Uncle Tom’s Cabin and the Drama,” New York Observer and Chronicle 1 September 1853, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (11 June 2009).
- 45.
“Abolition Dramatized,” National Anti-Slavery Standard reprinted from New York Tribune August 1853, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (9 June 2009); Indicator, “New York Correspondence,” National Era 25 August 1853, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (10 June 2009); New York Atlas 16 October 1853, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (10 June 2009).
- 46.
“Uncle Tom at the Bowery,” New York Tribune 17 January 1854, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (6 August 2009).
- 47.
“Uncle Tom at the Bowery,” New York Tribune 17 January 1854, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (6 August 2009).
- 48.
Carol Lasser and Stacey Robertson, Antebellum Women: Private, Public, Partisan (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2010), xix, 59–61.
- 49.
Sean Wilentz, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2005), 505.
- 50.
For an account of Whig rhetoric about women and Democratic outrage over it during the 1840 campaign, see Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), 218, 103, 190
- 51.
Lasser and Robertson, Antebellum Women, 59–61. For more on women’s rights activists’ support for the Republican Party and the Party’s post-bellum betrayal of them, see Sue Davis, The Political Thought of Elizabeth Cady Stanton: Women’s Rights and the American Political Traditions (New York: New York University Press, 2008).
- 52.
Clark, “Solo Black Performance” and Eric Gardner, introduction to Major Voices: The Drama of Slavery, ed. Eric Gardner (New Milford, CT: Toby Press, 2005), 262.
- 53.
Sarah Meer, Uncle Tom Mania: Slavery, Minstrelsy, and Transatlantic Culture in the 1850s (Athens: University of Georgia University Press, 2005), 187. Meer also criticizes Stowe’s inclusion of “blackface material” (187) such as minstrel songs and the comic shenanigans of Topsy and Sam and Andy. But I’m inclined to give Stowe greater credit for a rather keen satirical sense. The comedy of Topsy, Sam, and Andy is largely at the expense of white and especially white male pretensions, while Stowe’s inclusion of minstrel tunes allows her to overtly and explicitly replace them with hymns, which she holds up as the truer and uncoerced expression of the slave’s suffering humanity, as opposed to the minstrel tunes whites would like them to sing. For instance, in one of the last scenes between Legree and Tom, the latter is curled up on the floor of a shed after enduring a terrible beating. He begins to croon the minstrel standard “Way Down upon the Swanee River,” but after the first few lines, the stage directions indicate that “A pause. Looks up. His face brightens. Sings.” And he launches into a hymn, with the contrast suggesting he has found a form of expression far superior to the minstrel tune, one appropriate to the Christian not the minstrel slave. Legree further highlights this purposeful contrast by responding in fury with “How I hate these cursed Methodist hymns!” Harriet Beecher Stowe, The Christian Slave (Boston: Phillips, Sampson, and Company, 1855), 60–61.
- 54.
Stowe, Christian Slave, 49.
- 55.
Stowe, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, 200.
- 56.
Stowe, Christian Slave, 49.
- 57.
Ibid., 49.
- 58.
Ibid., 58.
- 59.
Jeannine Marie DeLombard, Slavery on Trial: Law, Abolitionism, and Print Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 153. Michael Bennett, however, rightly points out that Uncle Tom’s Cabin was an “anachronism” because it “abandon[ed] the radical abolitionists’ pledge to make slaves’ self-representations the driving force of their discursive assault on the peculiar institution” and “sidestepped their concern for creating an emancipatory space for African American voices.” Michael Bennett, Democratic Discourses: The Radical Abolition Movement and Antebellum American Literature (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 125. Webb, as Meer points out, was Stowe’s response to this criticism. Meer, Uncle Tom Mania, 191.
- 60.
Quoted in Meer, Uncle Tom Mania, 191. The debate over sentiment and its deployment in the cause of abolition is extensive, to say the least. Heather S. Nathans presents a wonderful overview of this in relation to blackface theater. Slavery and Sentiment on the American Stage, 1787–1861: Lifting the Veil of Black (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 4–10.
- 61.
Pearson and Pope explore the difference between female hero, who is primary in her own story and ultimately supports a feminist reconfiguration of society, and the heroine, who is supplementary to a male narrative and a misogynist social order. Carole Pearson and Katherine Pope, The Female Hero in American and British Fiction (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1981).
- 62.
Jean H. Baker, Affairs of Party: The Political Culture of Northern Democrats in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Fordham University Press, 198), 213–218.
- 63.
W. T. Lahmon, Jr., Jump Jim Crow: Lost Plays, Lyrics, and Street Prose of the First Atlantic Popular Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), viii. See also W. T. Lahmon, Jr., Raising Cain: Blackface Performance from Jim Crow to Hip Hop (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000).
- 64.
Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 26–27, 146–147. For Lott’s criticism of Lahmon’s argument, see Eric Lott, review of Raising Cain: Blackface Performance from Jim Crow to Hip Hop, by W. T. Lhamon, Jr., American Literature 74 (2002): 146–147. In an interesting twist, Jason Richards refuses to take sides in this disagreement and instead argues that Stowe’s novel and blackface minstrelsy “were mutually constitutive phenomena.” Jason Richards, “Imitation Nation: Blackface Minstrelsy and the Making of American Selfhood in Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” Novel 39, no. 2(2006): 204–205. For how seriously African American leaders took minstrelsy’s images, see Patrick Rael, Black Identity and Black Protest in the Antebellum North (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 172.
- 65.
What the “wench,” especially in her “yaller gal” variation, meant is a matter of some debate. McConachie , for instance, underlines Mahar’s contention that the figure was about misogyny not racism, and that she was more ludicrous and humorous than homoerotic as Lott had argued. Kirsten Pullen, by contrast, interprets the performance as sexual and “serious.” Robert C. Toll, Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth-Century America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974), 140–41, 76; William J. Mahar, Behind the Burnt Cork Mask: Early Blackface Minstrelsy and Antebellum American Popular Culture (Urbana: Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, 1999), 310–316; Bruce McConachie, “Cognitive Studies and Epistemic Competence in Cultural History: Moving Beyond Freud and Lacan,” in Performance and Cognition: Theatre Studies and the Cognitive Turn, eds. Bruce McConachie and F. Elizabeth Hart (New York: Routledge, 2006), 60–68; and Kirsten Pullen, Like a Natural Woman: Spectacular Female Performance in Classical Hollywood (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2014), 105–107.
- 66.
Martha S. Jones, All Bound Up Together: The Woman Question in African American Public Culture, 1830–1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 50–1, 93. A handful of African American women, like Frances Ellen Watkins and Sojourner Truth, ultimately defied this “helpful” advice and mob violence to take to the platform, but, nevertheless, the minstrel show stereotypes meant that black women in public were decried as even more unwomanly and immodest than their white counterparts who took to public speaking. As Carla Peterson argues: “Blackness marked them as outside the boundaries of middle-class circles, and caricatures depicting black women’s fatally flawed attempts to appear to be ‘ladies’ were used to fix such lines of demarcation. Whatever their ambitions, free black women could never achieve the pious, refined, demurred, and modest brand of womanhood reserved for their white counterparts.” Carla L. Peterson, ‘Doers of the Word’: African-American Women Speakers and Writers in the North (1830–1880) (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 17–18, 98–9.
- 67.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Eighty Years & More: Reminiscences, 1815–1897 (New York: Shocken, 1971), 242.
- 68.
Meer emphasizes how carefully Webb worked to become “a black embodiment of genteel femininity” (190). Meer, Uncle Tom Mania, 188–191. Alex W. Black thus points out that “Webb’s occasional restraint was more a matter of policy than a lack of ability.” Alex W. Black, “Abolitionism’s Resonant Bodies: The Realization of African American
Performance,” American Quarterly 63, no. 3 (2011): 630.
- 69.
Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, ed. Elizabeth Ammons (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1994), 305.
- 70.
Stowe, Christian Slave, 53.
- 71.
For example, see not only the review in The Illustrated London News, August 1856 in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (28 March 2012),
but also J., The Liberator 14 December 1855, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (28 March 2012) and “Uncle Tom’s Cabin at the Tabernacle,” New York Times 18 December 1855 in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (28 March 2012).
- 72.
Illustrated London News August 1856 in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (28 March 2012).
- 73.
Illustrated London News August 1856 in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and American Culture, ed. Stephen Railton, http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html (28 March 2012).
- 74.
Probably the most famous instance of this taboo’s enforcement—famous only because it failed—occurred in 1837 when the Congregational General Association censured the abolitionist speaker Angelina Grimké and warned its churches against “the dangers which at present seem to threaten the female character with widespread and permanent injury” caused by women “who so far forget themselves as to itinerate in the character of public lecturers and teachers” and so ignore their “appropriate duties and influences.” Quoted in Gerda Lerner, The Grimké Sisters from South Carolina: Pioneers for Woman’s Rights and Abolition (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 143. Stowe’s eldest sister Catharine Beecher also joined the outcry against women’s public speaking in general and Grimké in particular. She objected to Grimké’s attempt to enlist women in the abolitionist movement because such overtly political activity engages in the direct and public forms of power that men use and enters combat with them: “But all the power, and all the conquests that are lawful to woman, are those only which appeal to the kindly, generous, peaceful and benevolent principles. Woman is to win everything by peace and love; by making herself so much respected, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her opinions and to gratify her wishes, will be the free-will offering of the heart. But this is to be all accomplished in the domestic and social circle…then the fathers, the husbands, and the sons, will find an influence thrown around them, to which they will yield not only willingly but proudly...But the moment woman begins to feel the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for power, her aegis of defence is gone. All the sacred protection of religion, all the generous promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of romantic gallantry, depend upon woman’s retaining her place as dependent and defenceless, and making no claims, and maintaining no right but what are the gifts of honour, rectitude and love.” An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism with Reference to the Duty of American Females. Addressed to Miss A. D. Grimké, 1837 (Boston: Perkins & Marvin, 1837), 100–1.
- 75.
Claudia Johnson, American Actress: Perspective on the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1984) 35, 4 and Faye Dudden, Women in the American Theatre: Actresses and Audiences, 1790–1870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 16. See also Elizabeth Reitz Mullenix, Wearing the Breeches: Gender on the Antebellum Stage (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 74–77.
- 76.
Peterson, Doers of the Word, 18.
- 77.
Nathaniel Hawthorne, “My Kinsman, Major Molineux,” in The Snow-Image and Uncollected Tales, eds. William Charvat, et al. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1974), 226.
- 78.
As Faye Dudden observes, “an ‘acting female’ threatens the prevailing definition of womanhood” by denaturalizing gender identity and so “reveals the possibility of escaping” something like true womanhood or the innocent victim foisted upon woman’s “nature” by the Democratic allegory. Dudden, Women in the American Theatre, 2.
- 79.
Mary H. Eastman, Aunt Phillis’s Cabin, Or Southern Life as it Is (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1852), 269.
- 80.
Beecher, “Popular Amusements,” 182–3. The Reverend Winchester’s sentiment was also fairly typical. He not only condemned plays as “poison” but he worried in particular about women in the theatre, both as audience members and actors. He feared that “pursuit of theatrical entertainments” would replace the playgoing woman’s “love of home…and…taste for the sweetly increasing employments of the domestic scene” until “the female is degraded, and society has lost its most powerful attraction.” The actress was so far gone as to need hardly any mention. Her very existence was “disgracing her sex.” See “To the Editor of the Christian Observer,” The Christian Observer, vol. 9 (London: Ellerton and Henderson, 1811), 25 and Winchester, The Theatre, 212–13, 98.
- 81.
While she admitted that few will achieve their greatness, she argues that “There is not near so much danger from attempts to imitate Anna Dickinson as there is from the more common feminine attempts to rival the demi-monde of Paris in fantastic extravagance and luxury.” Stowe, “Woman’s Sphere,” 255–56.
- 82.
Harriet Beecher Stowe to Lady Hatherton. Boston. 24 May 1856 http://www.iath.virginia.edu/utc/onstage/revus/rvhp.html.
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Crosby, S.L. (2018). Playing Poison: Mary Webb’s Antidote to the Tom Shows. In: Women in Medicine in Nineteenth-Century American Literature. Palgrave Studies in Literature, Science and Medicine. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96463-8_3
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