Abstract
This chapter explores the relationship between geography and religious sensibilities in the early modern Spanish world by exposing how spatial evidence served to promote confessional ideologies and visions. Through the example of the seventeenth-century Carmelite missionary Antonio Vásquez de Espinosa who worked in America, I examine how raw evidence recontextualized as geography was employed to propagate Catholic outlooks and to sacralize overseas, colonial space. Espinosa’s descriptive geography was the literary product of a skilled missionary who was immersed in Spanish geographical culture. My analysis of his work demonstrates how Espinosa attempted to assimilate newly observed data about the terrestrial globe into the worldview of the Church and the Carmelite Order—a religious order that became a model for the Catholic redefinition of piety and faith. I further claim that Espinosa’s recruitment of geography was tightly linked to a corporate change within the Carmelite Order, which demanded a greater involvement in the Church’s apostolic vision. By evoking Catholic images of piety and devotion, Espinosa used his geographic findings to justify the pivotal role that the Carmelites desired to play in America. As the Carmelites aspired to consolidate their presence in America, such confessional geography was a powerful tool to record and assemble new myths and legends in a virgin landscape.
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Notes
- 1.
Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendio y descripción de las Indias Occidentales, ed. Balbino Velasco Bayón (Madrid: Historia 16, 1992), p. 807 (para. 1.622): “El pueblo de Carabuco tan celebrado en aquel reino, donde está aquella milagrosa Cruz, que los indios tenían de muchas edades, los cuales decían, que tenían por tradición de sus mayores, que un hombre divino, hijo del sol la había llevado, o puesto en aquel lugar…”
- 2.
Espinosa, Compendio, 562–563 (para. 1.195); Espinosa also noted the representations of human feet that were also supposedly left by St. Thomas in the same region. For more on the cross of Carabuco, see Claudia Brosseder, The Power of Huacas: Change and Resistance in the Andean World of Colonial Peru (Austin: University of Texas, 2014), 33–35.
- 3.
Espinosa, Compendio, 807 (para. 1.622): “…pudo ser según lo parece, y contaban los indios antiguos por sus Quipos, que es su modo de contar, que alguno de los sagrados Apóstoles hubiese pasado a predicar el Sagrado Evangelio a los de aquellas regiones, y en señal para testimonio y memoria la hubiese dejado allí…”
- 4.
Ibid.: “…y como estas naciones no tuvieron letras, ni más anales que sus Quipos, haberse olvidado, con tan largos tiempos la certeza, o verdad de lo sucedido.”
- 5.
Ibid., 807 (para. 1622): “…los milagros que Dios ha obrado por medio de ella con aquellos nuevos cristianos para más fijarlos en nuestra santa fe.”
- 6.
On the genre of discursive itineraries, see Ricardo Padrón, The Spacious Word: Cartography, Literature, and Empire in Early Modern Spain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 45–91.
- 7.
The Compendio was printed for the first time only in the twentieth century after Charles Upson Clark found the manuscript among the collection of the Barberini family.
- 8.
Between the years 1624–1627, Espinosa became a doctor of theology (according to his correspondence with the Prior General of his Order). See Joachim Smet, “Some unpublished documents concerning Fray Antonio,” Carmelus 1 (1954): 151–158, at 153.
- 9.
Consider the path-breaking work, William Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).
- 10.
From the late Renaissance onwards, geography developed into an independent scholarly discipline. John Headley has noted that though there is a tendency to suggest that geography is a modern, nineteenth-century discipline, by the sixteenth century most practitioners of this study “claimed that their geography constituted a discipline.” See John M. Headley, “Geography and Empire in the Late Renaissance: Botero’s Assignment, Western Universalism and the Civilizing Process,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1119–1155, at 1121–1122. For more on early modern geography as a discipline, see: Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England,” in Geography and Empire, ed. Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), 15–30, at 19–20. Consider the works by Geronimo Girava, Alejo Venegas and Pedro de Syria, who explained the distinct standards of descriptive geography. Alejo Venegas, Primera parte de las diferencias de libros que ay en el vniuerso (Toledo, 1546), ed. Daniel Eisenberg (Barcelona: Puvill Libros, 1983), vol. 2, ch.16, f.53r; Pedro de Syria, Arte de la verdadera nauegacion, en que se trata de la machina del mundo (Valencia: en casa de Juan Chrysostomo Garriz, 1602), 63; Gerónimo Girava, Dos libros de cosmographia: compuestos nueuamente por Hieronymo Giraua Tarragones (Milan: Por Maestro Iuan Antonio Castellon, y Maestro Christoual Caron, junto à la Yglesia de Nuestra Señora de la Escala, 1556), 55–56. Espinosa’ work conformed to the criteria of geographical investigation suggested by Geronimo Girava, Alejo Venegas and Pedro de Syria.
- 11.
The theologian Guy Bedouelle refers to the Teresian influence as a “major resource for Catholic reform” and “one of the turning points in Catholic Reform in the sixteenth century.” Historian Michael Mullett confirms this view and describes Teresa’s reform of the Carmelites as “one of the most powerful of the renewals of existing orders.” See Guy Bedouelle, The Reform of Catholicism, 1480–1620, trans. James K. Farge (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2008), 103–104. Michael A. Mullett, Catholic Reformation (New York: Routledge: 1999), 69. On the Order of Carmel, see Elias Friedman, The Latin Hermits of Mount Carmel: A Study in Carmelite Origins (Rome: Edizioni del Teresianum, 1979); Andrew Jotischky, The Carmelites and Antiquity: Mendicants and their Pasts in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
- 12.
Consider the example of Protestant maps in bibles. Delano-Smith argues that “The objective of the imagery was effective communication of the Protestant message and a means of achieving the desired Faith.” Delano-Smith, “Maps as Art and Science: Maps in Sixteenth Century Bibles,” Imago Mundi 42 (1990): 65–83, at 79.
- 13.
Renaissance geography inherited from classic geographers, most notably Ptolemy, Strabo and Pomponius Mela, three main branches of the field: the mathematical, the chorographic, and the descriptive. María Portuondo, Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009), 19–38.
- 14.
Historian John Horace Parry has noted, “Geographical exploration, with its associated skills of navigation and cartography, was not merely the principal field of human endeavor in which scientific discovery and everyday technique became closely associated before the middle of the seventeenth century … it was almost the only field; hence its immense significance in the history of science and of thought.” John Horace Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), 3.
- 15.
John M. Headley, “Geography and Empire”; David Buisseret, ed. Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Richard L. Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt, “Maps and the Early Modern State: Official Cartography,” in The History of Cartography, 3 vols (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), vol. 3, 661–679; Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith, Geography and Empire (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994).
- 16.
To be sure, geographical information was an important tool for state administration and commercial networks. Yet the Church was quick to use it as well: “Tridentine bishops, encouraged to visit and familiarize themselves with their dioceses, sponsored surveys and maps of the communities under their supervision. It became fashionable among monastic orders to record their origins and geographical spread in earlier periods, for which purpose they commissioned special atlases.” Zur Shalev, Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550–1700 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 20.
- 17.
See: Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, “The Colonial Iberian Roots of the Scientific Revolution,” in Nature, Empire, and Nation: Explorations of the History of Science in the Iberian World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), 14–46.
- 18.
Antonio Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006); Portuondo; Daniela Bleichmar et al., eds, Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009); José María López Piñero and María Luz López Terrada, La influencia Española en la introducción en Europa de las plantas Americanas: 1493–1623 (Valencia: Instituto de Estudios Documentales e Históricos sobre la Ciencia, Universitat de València-C.S.I.C., 1997).
- 19.
One important exception is historians’ interest in the Jesuit geographical pursuits. See Luis Millones Figueroa and Domingo Ledezma, eds, El saber de los Jesuitas: Historias naturales y el Nuevo Mundo (Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert, 2005); Andrés Prieto, Missionary Scientists: Jesuit Science in Spanish South America, 1570–1810 (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011).
- 20.
David C. Goodman, Power and Penury: Government, Technology and Science in Philip II’s Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Barbara E. Mundi, The Mapping of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geográficas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).
- 21.
Bartolomé Velasco, “El P. Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa en América,” Missionalia Hispanica 15 (1958): 169–217, at 180–181.
- 22.
We know that Espinosa had taught theology for six years before he went to the Indies. Smet, “Some Unpublished Documents concerning Fray Antonio,” Carmelus 1 (1954): 151–158, at 153.
- 23.
The reforms divided the Carmelites between those who supported the reformers—the Discalced (or, shoeless) Carmelites expressed an abandonment of comfort symbolized by footwear—and the original branch of the Order (now known as the Ancient Observance). Though the inner schism between the two branches of Carmel’s tradition was irreversible, Teresian restoration of contemplative life became the model of Carmelite spirituality on both sides of the divide, certainly after the Touraine Reforms of the original Carmelites, which began around 1600.
- 24.
Jodi Bilinkoff, The Avila of Saint Teresa: Religious Reform in a Sixteenth-Century City (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 116–152. Espinosa, Compendio, 681 (para. 1.396): “Otro hubo el año 1582 cuando murió para vivir eternamente Santa Teresa de Jesús, religiosa de mi sagrada religión que como Apóstola española y con valor varonil, ilustrada con luz del Espíritu Santo fundó la nueva la religón de los religiosísomos Descalzos del Orden de Nuestra Señora del Carmen.”
- 25.
Balbino Velasco Bayon, “Obispos Carmelitas en América,” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 195 (1998): 415–450, at 415–416; Serrano Espinosa and Teresa Eleazar, “Las cofradías del carmelo desclazo en la Nueva España,” Fronteras de la historia: Revista de historia colonial latinoamericana 18 (2013): 69–103. Yet, few Carmelites arrived to America as individuals. One of the earliest examples was Friar Gregorio de Santa María who served as a chaplain in the expedition of Francisco de Montejo to Yucatán around 1527. See Bartolome Velasco, “Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa en América,” Missionalía Hispánica 15 (1958): 169–217, at 171.
- 26.
Velasco Bayon, “Obispos,” 416.
- 27.
Alfonso Martínez Rosales, “La provincia de San Alberto de Indias de Carmelitas descalzos,” Historia Mexicana 31 (1982): 471–543.
- 28.
The Carmelites’ tardiness, however, was only one side of the equation. In the early sixteenth century, the Crown appeared reluctant to grant license to the Carmelites to pursue their missionary goals, choosing instead to restrict the evangelization of the native peoples to the Augustinians, Dominicans, Franciscans and Jesuits. Benjamin Frank Zimdars, “A Study in Seventeenth-century Peruvian Historiography: The Monastic Chronicles of Antonio de la Calancha, Diego de Córdova Salinas, and the Compendio Y Descripción of Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa” (doctoral dissertation, University of Texas-Austin, 1965), 163–166. On the territorial competition and ill-will between the already established orders in America, such as the Franciscans, and the newer orders that also wished to take part in the colonial endeavor, see Karen Melvin, Building Colonial Cities: Building Colonial Cities of God: Mendicant Orders and Urban Culture in New Spain (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012), 192–193.
- 29.
Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Tratado verdadero del viaje y navegación, trans. Sara L. Lehman (Newark, Del.: Juan de la Cuesta, 2008).
- 30.
The texts are: Confesario general, luz y guía del cielo para poderse confesar, Sumario de indulgencias and Los tratos y contratos del las Indias del Perú y Nueva España (Madrid, 1623).
- 31.
For example, Antonio de León Pinelo praised Espinosa, stating that the latter was “well versed and proficient in all matters pertaining to the Indies.” “Fray Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa, Religioso de la Orden de N. Señora del Carmen, i muy versado, i entendido en todas las materias de Indias, por aver estado muchos años en el Perú, i en la Nueva España, de que sacó muchos papeles, mapas, i relaciones en esta Corte, que sirvieron en negocios importantes…” Antonio de León Pinelo, Question moral: si el cbocolate quebranta el ayuno eclesiástico (Madrid: por la viuda de Iuan Gonçalez, 1636), f.91v. On the practice of geography in early modern Spain, see Padrón, The Spacious Word.
- 32.
The first extensive geographical description of Spain is the unfinished Fernando Colón, Desripción y cosmografía de España (1517). Martín Fernandéz de Enciso’s Suma de geografía (Seville, 1519) was the first printed text in Spain to provide a systematic description of the America. Nicolás Wey Gómez, The Tropics of Empire: Why Columbus Sailed South To The Indies (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2008), 161; and Padrón, The Spacious Word, 50–51.
- 33.
Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain, 35–38 and Padrón, The Spacious Word, 78–79.
- 34.
On the influence of the Council of the Indies on the study of American territories, see María Portuondo, Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009).
- 35.
For instance, Michael Gorman has shown the importance of overseas information networks of missionaries to Kircher’s geographical project. Michael John Gorman, “The Angel and the Compass: Athanasius Kircher’s Geographical Project,” in Athanasius Kircher: The Last Man Who Knew Everything, ed. Paula Findlen (New York: Routledge, 2004), 229–249; Karel Davids, “Dutch and Spanish Global Networks of Knowledge in Early Modern Period: Structures, Connections, Changes,” in Centres and Cycles of Accumulation in and Around the Netherlands During the Early Modern Period, ed. Lissa Roberts, 29–52 (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2011), 32–33.
- 36.
Espinosa, Compendio, 54 (para. 3): “hasta reconocer la sierra Nevada, que está junto a Santa Marta, y desde allí al Oesnoroeste, hasta reconocer al agua blanca del río Grande, y luego se gobierna al Sudoeste.”
- 37.
See Juan Pimentel’s discussion on Niermeberg’s natural history, “Baroque Natures: Juan E. Nieremberg, American Wonders, and Preterimperial Natural History,” in Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, ed. Bleichmar et al., 93–111 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008).
- 38.
Espinosa, Compendio y descripción, 359 (para. 724): “La provincia y pueblo del Viejo, dista del Realejo al Oesnoroeste 3 leguas, todas de arboledas y florestas y entre ellas algunos arroyos y ríos de dulces y cristalinas aguas por las cuales hay mucha diversidad de aves y animales.”
- 39.
Another example is the Omereque valley in the Andes. See Espinosa, Compendio, 846–847 (para. 1.683).
- 40.
The fertility and abundance of the new continent provoked some writers to suggest that the Garden of Eden was possibly located on the American continent, for instance Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdoba, Memorial, informe, y manifiesto (Madrid: s.n., ca. 1646), 17v; Antonio de León Pinelo, El paraíso en el Nuevo Mundo: Comentario apologético, historia natural y peregrina de las Indias Occidentales, Islas de Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, ed. Raúl Porras Barenéchea (Lima, 1943). On this topic, see Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, “New World, New Stars: Patriotic Astrology and the Invention of Indian and Creole Bodies in Colonial Spanish America, 1600–1650,” The American Historical Review 104 (1999): 33–68, at 33–34; Rebecca Earle, The Body of the Conquistadores (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 93–103.
- 41.
Espinosa, Compendio, 58 (para. 11): “…por todas aquellas partes hay día sin cesar, y por el consiguiente siempre se ésta celebrando y haciendo a Dios agradable sacrficio en más de 70,000 iglesias que hay en aquella partes.”
- 42.
Ibid., 57 (para. 10): “Dije que en todas la tierras que tiene Su Magestad debajo de su Imperio, continuadamente, y a todas horas, sin cesar, se celebra el sacrficio santo: la de la Misa es cierto.”
- 43.
Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra explains the importance of typology to the Spanish colonial enterprise, stating “the function of typological thinking was not simply to justify contemporary events and projects by locating them in the great Christian pageant, but to render them familiar, to domesticate them, to bring them into the confines of great Christian and mythological epistemology that every literate person understood …. typology was an ultimate intellectual reference with great explanatory power.” Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, “Typology in the Atlantic World: Early Reading of Colonization,” in Soundings in Atlantic History, ed. Bernard Bailyn et al., 237–264 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 237. On the significance of the Bible in the Spanish colonizing process, see John Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, 2nd Edition Revised (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970); Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: the Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, Puritan Conquistadores, Iberianizing the Atlantic, 1550–1700 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006); Frank Graziano, The Millennial New World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 42–52. The Carmelites’ own narrative of the origins of monasticism is intimately bonded with typological thinking. See Jotischky, The Carmelites and Antiquity, 317–324.
- 44.
Espinosa, Compendio, 82 (para. 59): “Los primeros pobladores de las Indias, que eran de los diez Tribus de Israel, quando el Rei Salmanasar los echó y desterró a tierras despobladas, como de dirá en su lugar, y en particular del Tribu de Isacar.” Nevertheless, Espinosa does not rule out the possibility of other origins for the native peoples.
- 45.
On this topic, see Lee E. Huddleston, The Origins of the American Indians: European Perspectives (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967).
- 46.
Espinosa, Compendio, 56 (para. 7): “…que en oposición de la demás naciones y monarquías que no le han admitido, desde los pérfidos herejias del Septentrión, prevaricados, el Turco, Persa, hasta el gran Tártaro y Chino, que no han conocido a Dios, ni servídole en el divino y verdadero culto…”
- 47.
Throughout his works, Espinosa pointed to the crucial importance of the mission, evoking the great need that the Amerindians “have for light, which will banish the darkness and ignorance.” (“…tienen de luz, que destierre sus tinieblas e ignorancias.”) See Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, “Prologo al christiano y pio lector,” Confessionario general, luz y guia del cielo (Madrid: Por luán González, 1623).
- 48.
For instance, in Florida, “…hay indios gentiles, que desean ser cristianos, muchos de los cuales tienen hechas iglesias y no lo son por falta de prelado, ministros y sacerdotes, porque los pocos que hay, no pueden acudir conforme lo que dice el Evangelio: Messis quidem multa; operarij autem pauci” Espinosa, Compendio, 186 (para. 312).
- 49.
Espinosa, Compendio, 257 (para. 466).
- 50.
Ibid., 249 (para. 445).
- 51.
The tendency to compare and associate the New World with the Bible is also reflected in Espinosa’s anthropological view. In the description of Omasuyo, for instance, Espinosa recorded what seemed to him to be Old Testament idols, “junto al pueblo un serro, o collado hecho a mano […], y cerca del dos figuras humanas de notable grandeza labradas curiosamente con vestiduras largas a modo de las del testamento viejo.” Espinosa, Compendio, 806 (para. 1.621). The phrase “like those in the Old Testament” returns the reader to an imagined biblical landscape.
- 52.
Espinosa, Compendio, 190 (para. 318).
- 53.
Ibid.: “Casquin pidió al gobernador, que pues tenía mejor Dios que ellos le pidiesen les enviase agua, porque había necesidad en la tierra…”
- 54.
Ibid.: “…habiendo puesto una Cruz grande hicieron oración todos a Dios, y llovió muy bien aquella noche, habiendo estado presentes más de veinte mil infieles, dando alaridos a tiempos, cuando los españoles hacían oración pidiendo al Dios de los cristianos les enviase agua, y con la misericordia que Dios usó con estos bárbaros, por los ruegos y intercesión de los cristianos, quedaron muy consolados, y en gran veneración la Santa Cruz.”
- 55.
1 Kings 18.
- 56.
Elijah then descends to the Kishon river and slaughters the prophets of Baal there, after which he returns to the top of Mount Carmel.
- 57.
Jane Ackerman, Elijah, Prophet of Carmel (Washington: ICS Publications, 2003), 35–74, 81–82, 87–89.
- 58.
The story of rain as a means for conversion repeats itself in Espinosa’s description of Santa Cruz. At a time of drought, a Spanish ex-soldier who settled among the natives made a cross and went on a procession. Because of the natives’ veneration of the cross, “God sent them heavy rain,” and the place was named Santa Cruz. See Espinosa, Compendio, 851–852 (para. 1.693).
- 59.
On the project of Carmelite spiritual deserts, see Trevor Johnson, “Gardening for God: Carmelite Deserts and the Sacralisation of Natural Space in Counter-Reformation Spain,” in Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe, ed. Will Coster et al., 193–210 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
- 60.
Rebecca Horn, Postconquest Coyoacan: Nahau-Spanish Relations in Central Mexico, 1519–1650 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 198–200.
- 61.
Rebecca Horn claims that the Carmelite disputes with their neighbours began a year after the Order was granted the possession of the slopes (in 1605) and continued “at least into the early eighteenth century” (Horn, Postconquest Coyoacan, 200. This ongoing pressure on the Carmelites and repeated disputes over resources may be background to Espinosa’s intention to describe the various projects of the Carmelites in a positive light.
- 62.
Espinosa, Compendio, 249 (para. 445): “…hay otro tres leguas de la ciudad, que llaman el Disierto, que es uno de los primeros del mundo en grandeza, religión, y santidad; tiene demás del convento, que a su costa edifico Melchior de Cuellar, iglesia, y dormitorios muy curiosamente fabricados en un lugar, que parece el paraíso, por la disposición que en aquel sitio puso el cielo; sus ermitas apartadas unas de otras, casi a cuarto de legua, en que viven los religiosos al modo de los ermitaños de la primitiva iglesia, y es otro Monte Carmelo, y Tierra Santa en aquella de promisión del Nuevo Mundo, que a juicio de todos los prudentes, que lo han visto, así por el sitio, breñas, fuentes, disposición del convento, y ermitas, es de lo primero, que se conoce en la cristiandad.”
- 63.
Ibid., 249 (para. 444): “Había otro colegio muy religioso de nuestro glorioso mártir, y profeta San Angel, el qual mandó quitar un visitador, que fue de España, bien sin razón, porque quitó el consuelo de muchos de la ciudad…”
- 64.
Luke 10:2, Matthew 9:37, cited in Espinosa, Compendio, 186 (para. 312).
- 65.
Philip M. Soergel, Wondrous in His Saints: Counter-Reformation Propaganda in Bavaria (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 36.
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I would like to thank Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra and María M. Portuondo for their insightful comments and critical reading of my work.
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Segev, R. (2018). Spatial Evidence in a New World: Fray Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa’s Geography. In: Lancaster, J., Raiswell, R. (eds) Evidence in the Age of the New Sciences. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 225. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91869-3_9
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