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The Impact of Inequality on Peacebuilding and State-Building in Africa

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Abstract

Inequality has historically caused conflict, and has thus been mitigated by the state and the international community to avoid further conflict. Superficially, one might think that the post-colonial state system and international institutions were established for exactly this reason. Decolonised states were accepted into the existing hierarchy with the colonial and industrial powers at the top, but they were given legal equality without the support of material equality. The available historical data tend to show that inequality between African countries and the so-called advanced economies (former colonial powers and Northern states) remains relatively unchanged, and that internal inequality is actually increasing worldwide. This chapter begins by surveying the general theoretical insights into inequality and its relationship with peace and development specifically in the post-colonial African context, and then turns to the implications of these insights for “neo-trusteeship” forms of peacebuilding, state-building, and development.

This chapter draws on a previous article of mine, “The Impact of Socio-Economic Inequality on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding”, Civil Wars 16, no. 4 (2014), pp. 449–467.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

  2. 2.

    John Rawls, “The Law of Peoples”, Critical Inquiry 20, no. 1 (Autumn 1993), pp. 36–68.

  3. 3.

    See, for example, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on the Origin of Inequality (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1992 [1755]); Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014).

  4. 4.

    Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century.

  5. 5.

    Nancy Birdsall, “Rising Inequality in the New Global Economy”, World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER), United National University, WIDER Angle no. 2 (2005), pp. 1–3.

  6. 6.

    See United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Indices (HDI) spanning 1997 to the present. Note that for many developing countries, the data are incomplete. Since 2011, an inequality-adjusted HDI has also been calculated.

  7. 7.

    UNDP HDI spanning 1997 to the present.

  8. 8.

    Andy Sumner and Meera Tiwari, “Global Poverty Reduction to 2015 and Beyond: What Has Been the Impact of the MDGs and What Are the Options for a Post-2015 Global Framework?”, Working Paper no. 348 (Sussex: Institute for Development Studies, 2010); Jan Vandemoortele, “The MDG Conundrum: Meeting the Targets Without Missing the Point”, Development Policy Review 27, no. 4 (June 2009), pp. 355–371.

  9. 9.

    See Charles Mutasa and Mark Peterson (eds.), Africa and the Millennium Development Goals (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015).

  10. 10.

    See Oliver P. Richmond, Failed Statebuilding: Intervention, the State, and the Dynamics of Peace Formation (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), Appendix 1.

  11. 11.

    See, for example, http://www.fundforpeace.org/global/?q=fsi (1 June 2015); and http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2013 (1 June 2015).

  12. 12.

    See, for example, http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/ihdi (1 June 2015).

  13. 13.

    James K. Galbraith, “Inequality, Unemployment, and Growth: New Measures for Old Controversies”, Journal of Economic Inequality 7, no. 2 (June 2009), pp. 189–206, especially p. 206.

  14. 14.

    Robert Skidelsky, Keynes: The Return of the Master (London: Penguin, 2009), p. 123.

  15. 15.

    Sue Ingram, Statebuilding: Key Concepts and Operational Implications in Fragile States: The Case of Sierra Leone and Liberia (Washington, DC: World Bank; and New York: UNDP, 2011).

  16. 16.

    Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development–Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC), Supporting Statebuilding in Situations of Conflict and Fragility: Policy Guidance (Paris, 2011).

  17. 17.

    See, for example, Martin Gilens and Benjamin I. Page, “Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens”, Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 3 (2014), pp. 564–581.

  18. 18.

    Adam Przeworski, Michael Alvarez, Jose Antonio Cheibub, and Fernando Limongi, Democracy and Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Richard Sandbrook, Marc Edelman, Patrick Heller, and Judith Teichman, Social Democracy in the Global Periphery: Origins, Challenges, Prospects (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2007), pp. 67–89.

  19. 19.

    Friedrich von Hayek, “The Meaning of the Welfare State”, in Christopher Pierson and Francis G. Castles (eds.), The Welfare State Reader (Cambridge: Polity, 2000), pp. 90–95.

  20. 20.

    Chukwuma Obidegwu, “Post-Conflict Peace Building in Africa: The Challenges of Socio-Economic Recovery and Development”, Africa Region Working Paper Series no. 73, World Bank, Washington, DC, October 2004.

  21. 21.

    Britain is used synonymously with the United Kingdom (UK) in this volume.

  22. 22.

    For an excellent analysis of North-South relations, see Vijay Prashad, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (London: Verso, 2012).

  23. 23.

    Bertrand Badie, The Imported State: The Westernisation of the Political Order (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 2.

  24. 24.

    Confidential interview with author, United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO), New York, 10 February 2012.

  25. 25.

    World Bank, World Bank Development Report 2011 (Washington, DC, 2011).

  26. 26.

    Robin Luckham and Tom Kirk, “The Two Faces of Security in Hybrid Political Orders”, Stability: International Journal of Stability and Development 2, no. 2 (2013), pp. 1–30.

  27. 27.

    Goran Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions in African Peacebuilding”, Third World Quarterly 36, no. 5 (2015), p. 1008.

  28. 28.

    Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions”, p. 1013.

  29. 29.

    Mark Bradbury and Sally Healy, “Whose Peace Is It Anyway? Connecting Somali and International Peacemaking”, Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives no. 21, Conciliation Resources, London, 2010, p. 11.

  30. 30.

    Christopher Clapham, “Peacebuilding Without a State: The Somali Experience”, in Devon Curtis and Gwinyayi A. Dzinesa (eds.), Peacebuilding, Power, and Politics in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2012); Jutta Bakonyi, “Authority and Administration Beyond the State: Local Governance in Southern Somalia, 1995–2006”, Journal of Eastern African Studies 7, no. 2 (2013), pp. 272–290.

  31. 31.

    Roland Marchal and Ken Menkhaus, Somalia Human Development Report 1998 (Nairobi: UNDP, October 1998), p. 18.

  32. 32.

    Tobias Hagmann, “Bringing the Sultan Back In: Elders as Peacemakers in Ethiopia’s Somali Region”, in Lars Buur and Helene Maria Kyed, State Recognition and the Democratisation of Sub-Saharan Africa (London: Palgrave, 2007), pp. 6, 18.

  33. 33.

    Haroon Yusuf and Robin Le Mare, “Clan Elders as Conflict Mediators”, in Catherine Barnes, “Weaving the Web: Civil Society Roles in Working with Conflict and Building Peace”, in Paul van Tongeren, Malin Brenk, Marte Hellema, and Juliette Verhoeven (eds.), People Building Peace II: Successful Stories of Civil Society (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 460.

  34. 34.

    Mohamed Abdi Mohamed, “The Role of Somali Women in Search of Peace”, in United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Women and Peace in Africa (Paris, 2003), pp. 87–94.

  35. 35.

    On institutions emerging from social experience, see Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions”, p. 1018.

  36. 36.

    Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions”, p. 1007. See also Oliver P. Richmond, A Post-Liberal Peace (London: Routledge, 2011).

  37. 37.

    Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions”, p. 1012.

  38. 38.

    Hyden, “Rethinking Justice and Institutions”, p. 1019.

  39. 39.

    Nicole Ball, “Managing Conflict: Lessons from the South African Peace Committees”, (Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development [USAID], Centre for Development and Evaluation, 1988); Oliver P. Richmond, Peace Formation and Political Order (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 2016.

  40. 40.

    Tanja Chopra, “When Peacebuilding Contradicts Statebuilding: Notes from the Arid Lands of Kenya”, International Peacekeeping 16, no. 4 (2009), p. 532.

  41. 41.

    Cited in Andries Odendaal, A Crucial Link: Local Peace Committees and National Peacebuilding (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2013), p. 40.

  42. 42.

    Odendaal, A Crucial Link, p. 42.

  43. 43.

    World Economic Forum (WEF), Global Risks 2012, seventh edition (Geneva: WEF, 2012), p. 18, www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GlobalRisks_Report_2012.pdf (accessed 22 July 2016).

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Richmond, O.P. (2018). The Impact of Inequality on Peacebuilding and State-Building in Africa. In: Karbo, T., Virk, K. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Peacebuilding in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62202-6_17

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