Abstract
This paper argues that the declared aspiration towards the unilateral secession of Catalonia not only lacks justification as it violates the Constitution, the law and the Rule of Law, as well as not having a majority that could support it nor adaptation with the plurality of the identifications of belonging held by its population, but that it is not materially justified by the arguments claimed as grievances, either, as many of the absences denounced in terms of the injustices, the deficits of democratic and structural quality and the functioning of the political system endured by Catalonia, are shared by the other territories. All of them, including sufficient recognition of Catalan singularity (leaving to one side sovereignty, today, in the post-national era, shared de facto at all levels) would be in its case open to being adequately and democratically granted for their resolution via the principles and techniques of federalism. This confirmation should lead to the opening of appropriate political negotiations for converging in the proposal for a constitutional reform in the social, democratic and territorial organisational spheres that are democratically satisfactory for all and move us away from the social, political and territorial fractures from which we suffer today (without by doing so neglecting other necessary reforms).
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Notes
- 1.
Resolució 1/XI del Parlament de Catalunya, sobre l’inici del procés polític a Catalunya com a conseqüència dels resultats electorals del 27 de setembre de 2015 (Resolution 1/XI of the Parliament of Catalonia, on the start of the political process of Catalonia as a consequence of the election results of 27 September 2015) Process 250-00001/11.
- 2.
Fossas Espadaler (2015).
- 3.
El País newspaper, 28 October 2015.
- 4.
Adding together those obtained by Junts pel Sí (62) and the CUP (10).
- 5.
1,620,973 of Junts pel Sí and 336,375 of the CUP.
- 6.
734,910 of C’s; 522,209 of PSC; 366,494 of Cat Síquees Pot; 348,444 of PP; plus those of the other parties that failed to win seats.
- 7.
Antoni Fernandez Teixidó, ex-minister of the Generalitat and member of the National Council of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia. El País newspaper, 20 November 2015.
- 8.
The consultation, “A participative process on the political future of Catalonia”, was put forward on 9 November 2014, at odds with the legislation in force, as an alternative for public participation before the non-existence of state authorisation for the holding of a referendum for self-determination in Catalonia and, following the appeal for unconstitutionality lodged by the President of the Government in relation to various precepts of the Law of the Parliament of Catalonia 10/2014, of 26 September, on non-referendum public consultations and other forms of public participation, and the challenge from the Spanish Government against the convening decree, the law and the decree were suspended.
- 9.
The Political Statute of the Autonomous Region of the Basque Country Proposal, processed as a reform of the Autonomy Statute, presented by the Basque Government and approved by the Basque Parliament in 2004, also popularly known as the Ibarretxe Plan, was rejected by the Chamber of Deputies on 1 February 2005 with 313 votes against, 29 in favour and 2 abstentions. Amongst other aspects, it set forth that the Basque provinces and the citizens that comprised them were protected in order to freely decide their framework of political relationships (the right to self-determination), constituting the Basque Country as a “Basque Region freely associated with the Spanish state”.
- 10.
Carrillo Salcedo (2013).
- 11.
Article 1.2 stipulates that national sovereignty resides in the Spanish people and Article 2 establishes that the Constitution is grounded on the “binding unity of the Spanish nation, common and undividable homeland of all Spaniards”, guaranteeing the right to autonomy of all nationalities and regions and solidarity amongst all of them.
- 12.
The first of these pronounced in relation to the challenge lodged by the Government of the Nation against Catalan Parliament Resolution 5/X, of 23 January 2013, which approves the Declaration of sovereignty and the Catalan people’s right to decide; and the second pronounced precisely in relation to the challenge lodged by the Government against Catalan Parliament Resolution 1/XI, of 9 November 2015, on the start of the political process in Catalonia as a consequence of the election results of 27 September 2015.
- 13.
Thus, those of Uzbekistan (in relation to the republic of Karakalpakstan), Ethiopia, the provisional constitution of the Autonomous Government of Southern Sudan before the referendum on independence held in January 2011, and Saint Pitts and Nevis.
- 14.
Innerarity (2015).
- 15.
Metroscopia (2015a).
- 16.
Metroscopia (2015b).
- 17.
With the increase in participation (71%) compared to the election of 2011, the independence formations have obtained 17 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (9 for ERC-CATSI/Esquerra Republicana de Cataluña and Cataluña SI, 15.98%, 599,289 votes—and 8 DL/Democràcia i Llibertat. Convergència. Demòcrates. Reagrupament, 15.08%, 565,501 votes). This means that support for independence has fallen in Catalonia. If in the autonomic election of 27 September the independence candidates ((JxSí and CUP) made up 48.7% of the votes, in the general election the independence candidates (ERC and CDC) have dropped to 31.1%, that is, 17 points down, whereas the non-independence candidates have risen to 64.5%. It must be taken into account, however, that other formations, without being pro-independence, defend a referendum on independence (ECP, En Comú Podem).
- 18.
This is the argument put forward by Diego López Garrido, Francisco Aldecoa and the author of this paper within the study Cataluña ante la Unión Europea. Las consecuencias jurídicas de la independencia (Catalonia in the face of the European Union. The legal consequences of independence). López Garrido et al. (2015).
- 19.
Generalitat de Catalunya (2014).
- 20.
De Lucas (2013).
- 21.
CIS, Study no. 3108, August–September 2015. CIS (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas) (2015).
- 22.
Borrel and Llorach (2015).
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Cámara Villar, G. (2019). Federal Reform of Spain vs Secession in Catalonia. Could Constitutional Reform Provide a Response to the Demands Upon Which the Justification for Secession Are Based?. In: López-Basaguren, A., Escajedo San-Epifanio, L. (eds) Claims for Secession and Federalism. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59707-2_26
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