Abstract
In some federal States, nationalist claims are lately evolving into clearly secessionist pretentions.
The aim of this work is to present the possible reasons for such evolution and the responses given to these claims for independence. This work analyses the use of referendums as well as the right to secession as a constitutional right. Finally, the development of the federal model into an asymmetrical federalism that recognizes plurinationality within the State is proposed as the best solution to the new claims for secession.
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Notes
- 1.
As an example, some Spaniards claim a constitutional reform aiming at reinforcing the power of the central Government, guaranteeing equal rights for all Spanish citizens and simplifying the current model of allocation of competences. On the contrary, there is no place for finding a solution to the problems of plurinationality. See De Esteban (2015).
- 2.
See the socialist proposal for a constitutional reform called “Por un nuevo pacto de convivencia”, Section 3 “Caminar hacia la España federal en una Europa federal” (2015).
- 3.
See Requejo (2011).
- 4.
See the latest book of Bossacoma (2015, pp. 27–33) for an opinion about federalism and its capacity to give place to plurinationality within a plurinational state. The arguable capacity of federalism to tackle the problem of plurinationality requires, according to the author, choosing one of these four options in any case: (1) supporting plurinational federalism instead of regional federalism in one-nation states, (2) promoting asymmetric federalism, (3) promoting federalism linked to a strengthened plurinational culture, and (4) tending to confederal models.
- 5.
For many years, the Catalan nationalist party Convergència Democràtica defended a wide self-government for Catalonia within Spain. However, in 2012 the party opted for a prompt process towards independence. Old messages addressed to the party members back in the years 1980 to 2000 have now been recovered, such as “avuipaciència, demàin dependència” (Today, patience. Tomorrow, independence).
- 6.
Words of Dion, S. as put by Bossacoma (2015), p. 180.
- 7.
See Hopkings (2002).
- 8.
- 9.
See Moreno (April 2009).
- 10.
See Bechhofer and Stapleton (2009).
- 11.
- 12.
- 13.
Idea taken from Rechey, G. in the prologue of the book written by Keating (1997): nationalism “esten train de regagnerses lettres de noblesse”.
- 14.
Keating (2015) writes about the evolution of Scotland throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the different trends: firstly, the Unionists, those who support Devolution and want to follow the path of Northern Ireland and Home Rule (mainly the Labour Party) and, secondly, the secessionists, a strong group since the seventies whose ideas are channeled through the SNP and divided into gradualist or fundamentalist. Secessionist stances have been reinforced during the last years (the SNP in Scotland; ERC, Convergència Democràtica and CUP in Catalonia), which implies a reinforcement of the identity arguments in the nationalist parties’ ideology. Studies on the Scottish and the Catalan nationalism conducted until the beginning of the twenty-first century recognized that the proposals of the main nationalist parties were based on the claim for a higher share of self-government so as to have effective power to defend the interests of the Scottish and the Catalan nation respectively.
- 15.
See Chaney (2013).
- 16.
After the 2008 crisis and its effects on Ireland and Iceland, however, the Unionists referred to it as the “arc of insolvency”.
- 17.
Tierney (2005), pp. 22–57.
- 18.
Tierney (2005), pp. 22–57. Also Tierney and Boyle (2014) Yes or no, 2014 Scotland Referendum carries significant constitutional implications, DemocraticAudit.com, September 2014. Also Craig (2012).
- 19.
When subnational territorial entities have tried to hold a secessionist referendum, this competence has been denied. For instance, in Spain (Judgment of the Constitutional Court 103/2008 on the consultation in the Basque Country), in the United States (2006 Judgment of the Alaska Supreme Court in the case Kohlhaas v. State, based on the doctrine expressed in Texas v. White), and in Canada (Opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada with respect to the Quebec referendum, 1998). Vid. Qvortrup (2014).
- 20.
There are certainly other also relevant matters concerning the electorate to be resolved, but their political component is lower. For example, the voting age (18 or 16) or the role of foreigners.
- 21.
See Bogdanor (2009).
- 22.
See Casanas (2014), p. 59 et seq.
- 23.
See Tierney (2005), p. 271.
- 24.
One of these attempts to justify that nations of plurinational states have the right to secession can be read in Bossacoma (2015), op. cit. According to this author, the moral right to secession is conceived from an ideal contract theory.
- 25.
As commented by López Basaguren (2013), p. 89 and note 6.
- 26.
Saint Kitts and Nevis (54,000 inh.) is a two-island constitutional and federal monarchy that belongs to the Commonwealth in the Lesser Antilles.
- 27.
- 28.
Buchanan, works mentioned above. See also Muñoz Machado (2014) for the principles of unity and territorial integrity.
- 29.
Professor BALDI also offers an interesting perspective in “Federalismo e secessionismi” (federalism and secessionism), also published in the mentioned journal. The author focuses her attention on the fact that secessionist claims (Quebec, Scotland, Catalonia) develop in federal or highly decentralized states. This makes the author state that the response to secessionism in such states where sub-state realities have a strong sense of identity needs to be based on moving forward towards federal and clearly asymmetrical models that pay special attention to solving the issue of territorial funding. In Spain, a recent approach to the establishment of the right to secession in the Constitution has been given by Alaez Corral (2015).
- 30.
No exact and final data are available on the representativeness of these political parties, but it is around 45% of the votes. Although not representing the majority of votes, 45% is a very significant figure.
- 31.
Quote taken from Piqueras (2014), p. 407.
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Tornos Mas, J. (2019). Secession and Federalism. The Spanish Case. In: López-Basaguren, A., Escajedo San-Epifanio, L. (eds) Claims for Secession and Federalism. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59707-2_22
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