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Can Transatlantic Trade Relations Be Institutionalised After Trump? Prospects for EU-US Trade Governance in the Era of Antiglobalist Populism

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Institutionalisation beyond the Nation State

Part of the book series: Studies in European Economic Law and Regulation ((SEELR,volume 10))

Abstract

This chapter assesses prospects for EU–US trade governance under the Trump administration, considering the dominance of political debate by plutocratic and populist extremes. It will explore how right populist resurgence is a backlash against global governance systems that have been indifferent to the impact of transnational integration on marginalised workers in post-industrial states. Transatlantic trade institutionalisation is undermined by a global system that enhances inequality, undermines job security and causes precarious living standards for many—a constituency ripe for protectionist, nationalist policies. However, Donald Trump’s use of populist rhetoric conceals his plutocratic motivations. The US’s move towards trade bilateralism—should it survive the chaotic beginnings of the administration—may undermine institutionalised mega-deals with Europe and elsewhere. But it will be motivated by plutocratic ambitions to escape constraining multilateral deals to impose US interests via bilateral trading arrangements where the US is the stronger partner.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Inglehart and Norris (2016).

  2. 2.

    Stratmann (2005), pp. 135–156.

  3. 3.

    Finbow (2016), pp. 62–76; Finbow (2017).

  4. 4.

    Kruse (2015).

  5. 5.

    Fraser (2016), pp. 281–284.

  6. 6.

    Mayer (2016), pp. 178–185.

  7. 7.

    Mudde (2004), p. 543.

  8. 8.

    Mudde and Kaltwasser (2013), p. 151.

  9. 9.

    Gabbit (2015).

  10. 10.

    Gilens and Page (2014), p. 565.

  11. 11.

    Finbow (2016).

  12. 12.

    Piketty (2016).

  13. 13.

    Tussie and Saguier (2011).

  14. 14.

    Von der Burchard (2015).

  15. 15.

    EU Business, “The EU’s Trade Relationship with the United States”. Available at www.eubusiness.com/topics/trade/usa (2011); European Commission 2015.

  16. 16.

    Interviews with business, labour and academic institutes, 2016.

  17. 17.

    White House, Office of the Press Secretary “Fact Sheet: U.S.-German Bilateral Economic Ties” Press Release June 07 (2011), <https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/06/07/fact-sheet-us-german-bilateral-economic-ties>, accessed 1 June 2017.

  18. 18.

    Introduction to this volume.

  19. 19.

    Bendini (2014).

  20. 20.

    European Commission (2006), p. 6.

  21. 21.

    Lloyd and MacLaren (2006), p. 431.

  22. 22.

    See Finbow (2013), pp. 45–64.

  23. 23.

    European Commission DG Trade (2015).

  24. 24.

    Akhtar and Jones (2013).

  25. 25.

    Akhtar and Jones (2013).

  26. 26.

    Bartl and Fahey (2014).

  27. 27.

    Bartl (2016).

  28. 28.

    Bartl and Fahey (2014).

  29. 29.

    Interviews with author, 2015–16.

  30. 30.

    Gardels (2013), p. 2.

  31. 31.

    See Gardels (2013).

  32. 32.

    Teney et al. (2013).

  33. 33.

    Autor et al. (2016), p. 44.

  34. 34.

    Autor et al. (2016), p. 45.

  35. 35.

    Kolko (2016).

  36. 36.

    Monnat (2016), p. 5.

  37. 37.

    Mastel (2016), pp. 60–61, 88.

  38. 38.

    Dutton et al. (2016).

  39. 39.

    Pew Research Center “Top voting issues in 2016 election” July 7 (2016).

  40. 40.

    Ojeda (2016).

  41. 41.

    Autor et al. (2017).

  42. 42.

    Autor et al. (2013), pp. 2121–2168.

  43. 43.

    Kolko (2016)—emphasis added.

  44. 44.

    Stokes (2017).

  45. 45.

    Smith and Santucci (2016).

  46. 46.

    O’Brien (2016).

  47. 47.

    Mastel (2016).

  48. 48.

    De Ville and Siles-Brügge (2015).

  49. 49.

    United States Trade Representative (USTR) The President’s Trade Policy Agenda Washington (2017).

  50. 50.

    USTR, ibid, 2017.

  51. 51.

    Economist 2016 “Dealing with Donald: Donald Trump’s trade bluster” Economist Dec. 2017.

  52. 52.

    Guvenen et al. (2017).

  53. 53.

    Alden (2017).

  54. 54.

    Welch (2017).

  55. 55.

    Egan (2017).

  56. 56.

    Fidler (2017).

  57. 57.

    Piketty (2016).

  58. 58.

    Freund (2017), pp. 63–64.

  59. 59.

    Harmes (2017).

  60. 60.

    Fulton (2016).

  61. 61.

    European Commission DG Trade “Press release: EU finalises proposal for investment protection and Court System for TTIP” Brussels, 12 November (2015).

  62. 62.

    United States Trade Representative (USTR) (2015), “Investment” Trans Pacific Partnership: Made in America.

  63. 63.

    Interview with US business association, 2016.

  64. 64.

    Interviews with US business and labour associations 2016.

  65. 65.

    Moore (2016).

  66. 66.

    McNamara (2017).

  67. 67.

    Hughes (2017).

  68. 68.

    Oliver and Williams (2017).

  69. 69.

    Goodwin and Heath (2016), pp. 323–331.

  70. 70.

    Dorling (2016).

  71. 71.

    Hübner (2016), p. 7.

  72. 72.

    Buncombe (2016).

  73. 73.

    Merrick (2016).

  74. 74.

    Lester (2017).

  75. 75.

    Stephens (2017).

  76. 76.

    Macdonald (2017).

  77. 77.

    Egan (2017).

  78. 78.

    Smart and Schneider-Petsinger (2017).

  79. 79.

    Smith (2017), pp. 83–87.

  80. 80.

    Hamilton (2017).

  81. 81.

    Mead (2017), p. 2.

  82. 82.

    USTR, op cit. 2017.

  83. 83.

    Gastinger (2017).

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Finbow, R.G. (2018). Can Transatlantic Trade Relations Be Institutionalised After Trump? Prospects for EU-US Trade Governance in the Era of Antiglobalist Populism. In: Fahey, E. (eds) Institutionalisation beyond the Nation State. Studies in European Economic Law and Regulation, vol 10. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50221-2_12

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