Abstract
The Colombian peace agreement, signed in 2016 between the government and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), claimed to put the victims in the center by building a comprehensive system of transitional justice, a Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-repetition. To evaluate the declared centrality of victims, we aim to understand the language around them used during the negotiations that took place from 2012 to 2016, by analyzing all documents published in Havana using combined natural language processing techniques and a close reading of some key documents. Our argument is that, in order for language to become an ameliorating factor of the transitional justice process, language around victims included in the peace agreement needs to pass the language test that guarantees its effectiveness even beyond the end of the conflict. However, in the case of Colombia, results show a small statistical presence of victims in the conversations that contrast with the expressed statement about making them the focus of the agreement and the attempt to expand its description including the diversity of identities underneath this condition. We recommend that peace processes use data analysis techniques to ensure that the discourse really reflects the intention of the parties. This would avoid any gap between goals and semantics, facilitating the deployment of the post-agreement legislation in a fashion that closely reflects the parties’ intentions and the victims’ rights.
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Notes
- 1.
The other themes of the negotiations were: Integral Rural Development; Political Participation; End of the Conflict; Illicit Drugs; and Implementation, Verification and Ratification. See Negotiation Table, Acuerdo General para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera [General Agreement to End the Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace] Havana, 2012, https://bit.ly/2RrhIwj.
- 2.
Although there is a policy consensus “that victims should be included in transitional justice processes” the broadness of definitions and the lack of precision in the used language leaves a wide space for political interpretations about what this inclusion means and how it will be interpreted. See Astrid Jamar, Victims Inclusion and Transitional Justice: Attending to the Exclusivity of Inclusion Politics: PA-X Report: Transitional Justice Series (Edinburgh: The University of Edinburgh, 2018), 2.
- 3.
Negotiation Table, General Agreement, 3.
- 4.
UN Security Council, UN Resolution 242, (1967). https://undocs.org/S/RES/242(1967).
- 5.
The documents can be found at https://goo.gl/Ji9y4s. The original website was removed from www.mesadeconversaciones.com.co, which is currently offline.
- 6.
In February 2015, the ten reports and two relatorías of the Historical Commission of the Conflict and its Victims were published together as a book. See Comisión Histórica del Conflicto y sus Víctimas, Contribución al entendimiento del conflicto armado en Colombia [Contribution to the understanding of the armed conflict in Colombia] (Bogotá: Ediciones Desde Abajo, 2016).
- 7.
Python Software Foundation, Python. Accessed December 26, 2017. https://www.python.org/.
- 8.
Fabian Pedregosa et al., “Scikit-Learn: Machine Learning in Python,” Journal of Machine Learning Research 12 (2011): 2825−2830, http://www.jmlr.org/papers/v12/pedregosa11a.html.
- 9.
Eric Jones et al., SciPy: Open Source Scientific Tools for Python. Accessed December 26, 2017. https://www.scipy.org.
- 10.
Steven Bird, Ewan Klein and Edward Loper, Natural Language Processing with Python (California: O’Reilly Media, 2009), http://www.nltk.org/book/.
- 11.
Negotiation Table, General Agreement, 1.
- 12.
Also, Marco León Calarcá, Hermes Aguilar and Sandra Ramírez signed on behalf of the FARC. As witnesses, Carlos Fernández de Cossío and Abel García signed from Cuba; Dag Halvor Nylander and Vegar. S. Brynildsen from Norway; and Enrique Santos C., Álvaro Alejandro Eder, Jaime F. Avendaño, Lucía Jaramillo Ayerbe and Elena Ambrosi from Colombia.
- 13.
This is the principle ten of the “Working Rules of the Negotiation Table” included in the General Agreement .
- 14.
Negotiation Table, Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace, trans. British Council in Colombia (Bogota: Office of the High Peace Commissioner, 2016), 132, https://goo.gl/RDsEPe.
- 15.
Negotiation Table, Comunicado Conjunto June 7, 2014 [Media Release], Havana. https://goo.gl/jFcc3o.
- 16.
Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Acuerdo sobre las Víctimas del Conflicto [Joint Agreement on Victims of the Conflict], Havana, 2015. https://goo.gl/KCrpP6.
- 17.
The Media Release of 7 June 2014 exactly repeats: “redress for victims is at the core of the agreement.” See Negotiation Table, Comunicado Conjunto June 7, 2014, 1.
- 18.
Vasuki Nesiah, Transitional Justice Practice: Looking Back, Moving Forward, (Amsterdam: Impunity Watch, 2016), 24.
- 19.
Kieran McEvoy and Kirsten McConnachie, “Victimology in transitional justice: Victimhood, innocence and hierarchy,” European Journal of Criminology 9, no. 5 (2012): 527–538.
- 20.
Mark Thompson, Enough Said: What’s Gone Wrong with the Language of Politics? (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2016), 92.
- 21.
Kieran McEvoy and Kirsten McConnachie, “Victimology in transitional justice,” 528.
- 22.
Truth, Reparations and Non-Repetition use 10,595 words in total whereas the Justice section uses 45 percent of the Joint Agreement on Victims of the Conflict.
- 23.
Jamie Rebecca Rowen, “‘We Don’t Believe in Transitional Justice’: Peace and the Politics of Legal Ideas in Colombia,” Law & Social Inquiry 42, no. 3 (2017): 622–647.
- 24.
The Joint Agreement of the Bilateral and Definitive Ceasefire and Cessation of Hostilities and the Laying down of Arms was released in 23 June 2016.
- 25.
The word “victim(s)” appears 360 times in all documents published before the date of publication of the Joint Agreement on Victims of the Conflict in 15 December 2015.
- 26.
We don’t consider stop-words in this counting.
- 27.
Sergio Jaramillo, El tiempo de las víctimas [The moment of victims], (Bogotá: Oficina del Alto Comisionado para la Paz, 2014), http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/Prensa/Discursos/Documents/el_tiempo_de_las_victimas.pdf.
- 28.
Rowen, “‘We Don’t Believe in Transitional Justice’,” 624.
- 29.
The problems experienced in November and December 2017 to pass the law that would enact the part of the agreement that gives the victims of the conflict the right to have 16 seats in the Congress of the Republic (See Tribunal Administrativo de Cundinamarca, No. 250002341000201701993-00, 2017, https://goo.gl/94LHHq) are the proof of the gap between the intentions expressed in these types of agreements and the landing in national legislation. The failure to enact clauses of the agreement such as this would confirm the idea that victims of armed conflicts feel in many cases exploited by transitional justice mechanisms that may end up scarifying victims’ priorities. See Vasuki Nesiah, Transitional Justice Practice, 25.
- 30.
Sergio Jaramillo, El tiempo de las víctimas, 5.
- 31.
Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctimas, 1.
- 32.
Published in the Diario Oficial 48096 in 10 June 2011.
- 33.
The text in italics as it appears in the text of the Law indicates that that section has been declared “exequible” by the Constitutional Court (Ruling C-280, 2013).
- 34.
The problem is that the language used to express it does not coincide with the chronological and political order of the negotiations and this contributes to the confusion about the peace process.
- 35.
Comisión Histórica del Conflicto y sus Víctimas, 2.
- 36.
Following these, we found: “commission” (108), “reparation” (106) and “acknowledgement” (100).
- 37.
Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctimas, 3.
- 38.
Ibid., 50.
- 39.
Ibid., 1.
- 40.
Vasuki Nesiah, Transitional Justice Practice, 27.
- 41.
In Spanish, Justicia Especial para la Paz.
- 42.
Justice contains 12,799 words, Truth 5674, Reparations 3855 and Non-Repetition 1066.
- 43.
Luc Huyse, “Victims,” in Reconciliation After Violent Conflict. A Handbook, ed. David Bloomfield, Teresa Barnes and Luc Huyse (Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2003), 61.
- 44.
This includes the Commission of Truth and the Search Unit of Missing People.
- 45.
This seems to respond to a long-standing problem for women in Colombia’s rural history, who traditionally have had very limited agency and citizenship. See Donny Meertens and Margarita Zambrano, “Citizenship Deferred: The Politics of Victimhood, Land Restitution and Gender Justice in the Colombian (Post?) Conflict,” International Journal of Transitional Justice 4, no. 2 (2010): 6–200.
- 46.
Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctimas, 10.
- 47.
This perspective was integrated in Law 1448. See Sanne Weber: “From Victims to Mothers to Citizens: Gender-Just Transformative Reparations and the Need for Public and Private Transitions,” International Journal of Transitional Justice 0 (2017): 2.
- 48.
With masculine and feminine forms for all words that accept those gendered forms in Spanish.
- 49.
On page 10, when explaining the guiding criteria and after clarifying the territorial criterion, the list of people included in the differential and gender approach is condensed into the following categories: sex orientation, gender, age, ethnic group, disability and vulnerable populations, with a special attention to women.
- 50.
See Astrid Jamar, Victims Inclusion and Transitional Justice, 1.
- 51.
The section on the “List of Sanctions” includes two elements that revolve directly around the victims’ rights. First, a statement saying that the list has been created taking into account the commitments about reparations of the victims and guarantees of non-repetition. And second, in cases of participation (already carried out) in the removal of unexploded mines and explosives, these activities will be considered as part of the sanction if the activity has repaired the victims or has had a repairing impact. Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctimas, 45.
- 52.
Ibid., 36.
- 53.
A principle of active participation that is considered key to really implement the alleged role of the victims as protagonists in transitional justice, as opposed to the simplest role of being the centre of the peace agreement between the government and the guerrillas.
- 54.
Kieran McEvoy and Kirsten McConnachie, “Victimology in Transitional Justice,” 530–532.
- 55.
Pamina Firchow, “Do Reparations Repair Relationships? Setting the Stage for Reconciliation in Colombia,” International Journal of Transitional Justice 11, no. 2 (2017): 316.
- 56.
Ibid., 333.
- 57.
Sanne Weber, “From victims and mothers to citizens: Gender-just transformative reparations and the need for public and private transitions,” 90.
- 58.
Ibid., 91.
- 59.
Pamina Firchow, “Do Reparations Repair Relationships?” 318.
- 60.
Referring to interviews conducted in 2010, Rowen states that the “idea of recognition reflects beliefs about what transition in Colombia would entail: not only would the state recognize the existence of an armed conflict, but also victims would have a national platform to voice their experience and, ideally, to participate in policy decisions that affect them. The (Truth) Commission would not contribute to a transition, but would be a product of it. This ideal of a Truth Commission, in turn, affects their understanding of transitional justice in Colombia. A real transition would be a society in which victims have a public platform, such as a Truth Commission, to voice their suffering.” See Rowen, 637.
- 61.
The Patriotic Union is a left-wing Colombian political party founded in 1985 as part of a legal political proposal of several guerrilla groups, including the Movement for Self-Defense of Workers and two demobilised fronts, Simón Bolívar and Antonio Nariño, of the FARC .
- 62.
Negotiation Table, Borrador Conunto Víctimas, 3.
- 63.
Luc Huyse, “Victims,” 57.
- 64.
Ibid., 56.
- 65.
The palenquera community is made up of the descendants of the enslaved who, through acts of resistance and freedom, took refuge in the territories of the North Coast of Colombia since the fifteenth century called palenques. There are four recognised palenques: San Basilio de Palenque (Mahates—Bolívar), San José de Uré (Córdoba), Jacobo Pérez Escobar (Magdalena) and La Libertad (Sucre).
- 66.
It refers to the native population of the Islands of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina descendants of the union between Europeans (mainly English, Spanish and Dutch) and African slaves. They are distinguished by their culture, language (Creole), religious beliefs and historical past similar to the Antillean peoples such as Jamaica and Haiti. Given its cultural specificity it has been the subject of policies, airplanes and socio-cultural programmes differentiated from other black communities of the Colombian continent.
- 67.
Rom is an ethnic group in Colombia mainly located in the departments of Atlántico, Bolívar, Norte de Santander, Santander, Valle del Cauca, Nariño and Bogota.
- 68.
The Elements of Crimes are reproduced from the Official Records of the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, First session, New York, 3–10 September 2002 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.03.V.2 and corrigendum), part II.B. The Elements of Crimes adopted at the 2010 Review Conference are replicated from the Official Records of the Review Conference of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Kampala, from 31 May to 11 June 2010 (International Criminal Court publication, RC/11).
- 69.
This is the term used by Rowen to criticise the language and content of Law 1448, 2011 in relation to the victims. See Rowen, “‘We Don’t Believe in Transitional Justice’,” 642.
- 70.
Mijke de Waardt, “Naming the Victims: The Semantics of Victimhood,” International Journal of Transitional Justice, 10 (2016): 432–433.
- 71.
There are 8,250,270 victims of the armed conflict registered according to the Unique Victims Registry. Accessed 6 December, 2018. https://rni.unidadvictimas.gov.co/RUV.
- 72.
Huyse classifies victims along three “broad distinctions”: individual-collective, direct-indirect and first-second generation victims whereas Nesiah highlights the complexities surrounding the establishment of formulas for victim-centred processes of transitional justice. See Luc Huyse, “Victims,” 54; Vasuki Nesiah, Transitional Justice Practice, 26.
- 73.
The Comprehensive System explicitly declares that has “an equity-based and gender-based approach.” Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctimas, 5.
- 74.
Umberto Eco has explored the unspeakable character of certain lists that play with that rhetorical topos. See Umberto Eco, The Infinity of Lists (London: MacLehose, 2012), 49.
- 75.
Mike de Waardt, “Naming the Victims,” 444.
- 76.
Eco, The Infinity of Lists, 327.
- 77.
Eco, The Infinity of Lists, 395.
- 78.
That is, through the gender politics described by Catherine O’Rourke in terms of “state liability for private harms,” “the militarization of everyday life,” “acute public regulation of women’s private reproductive lives” and the “public political manipulation of women’s organizing.” See Catherine O’Rourke, “Feminist scholarship in transitional justice: a de-politicising impulse?” Women’s Studies International Forum 51 (2015): 122.
- 79.
Patricia Lundy and Mark Govern, “Whose Justice? Rethinking Transitional Justice from the Bottom Up,” Journal of Law and Society 35, no. 2 (2008): 279–283.
- 80.
Rogers Brubaker and Fredrick Cooper, “Beyond ‘identity’,” Theory and Society 29, no. 1 (2000): 1–47.
- 81.
Rarna Kapur denounced that as well intentioned as it was, the attempt to integrate cultural diversity into a gender analysis resulted in more “cultural essentialism and the construction of other as backward and uncivilized,” especially when approach through the lenses of violence, which is the perspective taken in transitional justice mechanisms. See Rarna Kapur, “The Tragedy of Victimization Rhetoric: Resurrecting the ‘Native’ Subject in International/Post-Colonial Feminist Legal Politics,” Harvard Human Rights Journal 15, no. 1 (2002): 18.
- 82.
It is not clear how the action path argued for by Paul Gready and Simon Robins in order to widen and deepen the “conceptualization of the role that civil society plays in transitional justice processes” by advancing the concept and role of a new civil society in transitional justice and replacing the latter with the concept of “justice in transition” would be more effective in a country whose state struggles to effectively reach large parts of the territory and to provide some of the basic public services characteristic of socio-liberal states. The manipulation of the debate around the “gender ideology” allegedly hidden in the agreement and the negative result in the plebiscite are proof of both the political manipulation of the notion of victims and the practical difficulties to articulate principles of diversity that are socially acceptable and legally useful in a post-conflict Colombia. See Paul Gready and Simon Robins, “Rethinking Civil Society and Transitional Justice: Lessons from Social Movements and ‘New’ Civil Society,” The International Journal of Human Rights 21 (2017): 956.
- 83.
It is important to acknowledge that the selection process of the members of the multiple organisms of the transitional justice system has been guided by principles of equity, diversity and inclusion.
- 84.
Carolina Angel-Botero, “Reproduciendo diferencia: la negociación de identidades ciudadanas en el marco de la justicia transicional,” Revista de Estudios Sociales 59 (2017): 46.
- 85.
Daniel Ruiz Serna has argued that the Law of Victims (Law 1448, 2011) could be interpreted as acknowledging the territory itself as a victim of the conflict and therefore making it a subject of rights. This would align the concept of territory better with indigenous ontologies via the extension of the traditional notion of victimhood. See Daniel Ruiz Serna, “El territorio como víctima. Ontología política y leyes de víctimas para comunidades indígenas y negras en Colombia,” Revista Colombiana de Antropología 53, no. 2 (2017): 88.
- 86.
Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), 18.
- 87.
Mike de Waardt, “Naming the Victims,” 446.
- 88.
Luc Huyse, “Victims,” 60.
- 89.
Rama Mani, Beyond Retribution: Seeking Justice in the Shadows of War, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002).
- 90.
“That is, it is a passage of sorts between two states of affairs that seek to address past abuses while preparing for a future of peace, stability, and the rule of law shaped by human rights. Thus, any gains made through processes of transitional justice should not end with such processes, but should be used as a base by the transitional governments upon which to build, reinforce, and grow, in order to ultimately reach the desired model of society and governance.” Samar El-Masri, Tammy Lambert & Joanna Quinn, “Changing the context: can conditions be created that are more conducive to transitional justice success?” in this volume.
- 91.
The testimony collected by Mike de Waardt from some Peru’s victims reinforces the duality between victimhood and citizenship that characterises the practical measures of that country’s transitional justice system. See Mike de Waardt, “Naming the Victims,” 433. In the complex problem of making the victims the protagonists in transitional justice, Juan E. Méndez has argued the importance of a human rights perspective in demanding “affirmative measures to ensure that victims, survivors and their families would now be recognized as first-class citizens with specific rights and entitlements.” See Juan E. Méndez, “Victims as Protagonists in Transitional Justice,” International Journal of Transitional Justice 10, no. 1 (2016): 1–5.
- 92.
It is the triple dimension of the mechanism of recognition/acknowledgement—of the victims as such—the voluntary recognition of responsibilities by those who participated in the conflict and of the society as a whole of this legacy of violations and infractions that substantiates the definition of victim here. Specifically, the first dimension of recognition talks of “victims as citizens (ciudadanos y ciudadanas) whose rights were infringed and as political subjects who are vital for the transformation of the country.” Negotiation Table, Borrador Conjunto Víctims, 8.
- 93.
Although the language in the peace agreement gets closer to articulate this transition, the well noted fact that only a minority of victims get the benefits of transitional justice due to lack of resources will likely preclude a satisfactory implementation of those principles. Loyo Cabezudo has made an overall positive evaluation of the Comprehensive System of Transitional Justice included in the Final Agreement , although this author has also pointed out what she considers loopholes in the articulation of the relations between the Justice and Truth components. See Loyo Cabezudo, “La justicia transicional en Colombia: ¿Un instrumento para erradicar la impunidad?,” Anuario Iberoamericano de Derecho Internacional Penal, 5 (2017): 38–39.
- 94.
León, Juanita, “‘Los acuerdos de La Habana básicamente son un acuerdo de élites’: Luis Jorge Garay,” La Silla Vacía, 14 April 2016, https://lasillavacia.com/historia/los-acuerdos-de-la-habana-b-sicamente-son-un-acuerdo-de-lites-luis-jorge-garay-55462.
- 95.
The preeminence of the national government—and the role as principal actor among the institutions of the state—as the main political actor after the conflict is made evident by its position as the most used term throughout all the documents and the Final Agreement.
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Suárez, JL., Lizama-Mué, Y. (2020). Victims of Language: Language as a Pre-condition of Transitional Justice in Colombia’s Peace Agreement. In: El-Masri, S., Lambert, T., Quinn, J. (eds) Transitional Justice in Comparative Perspective. Memory Politics and Transitional Justice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34917-2_5
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