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Case Studies

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Abstract

This chapter examines several constructions and discusses the best way to assign thematic relations to the complements of the sentence: constructions of force and resistance; constructions involving reciprocity relations; constructions containing the Portuguese verbs estar and ser, both translatable as “be” in English; discourse topic constructions; constructions denoting time of day; constructions involving possession relations; constructions involving alternate stimulus; transitive and ergative constructions. Derivations are given for sentences containing examples of surface contact; psychological feeling; and some curious cases of multiple syntactic coding of the same cognitive structure. In each case it is shown that assignment by default of a thematic relation of at least one complement is the best analysis to account for the observed data.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    These notions come from Talmy (1988), who also studies their grammatical significance.

  2. 2.

    Ao is the agglutination of the preposition a plus the article o.

  3. 3.

    It has no effect on presupposition, as is well known: [2] still pressuposes that there has been a storm, and so on.

  4. 4.

    This is by the way represented in the morphology of the English preposition, with+out.

  5. 5.

    For many speakers a reflexive is required here: Magda se casou com o professor, o leite se misturou com a água. This has no relevance for the exposition.

  6. 6.

    Frame elements in Framenet are normally more elaborate than usual semantic roles. This agrees with the chiefly cognitive (not exclusively linguistic) orientation of the project.

  7. 7.

    This is basically recognized, in a way, in the Framenet entry for Cause_to_amalgamate (corresponding to the verb mix): the description refers to “an Agent joining Parts”; and it is also stated that Part 1 “requires Part 2,” and vice versa. ADESSE also recognizes the identity of thematic relations: for mezclar “mix,” it has entidad1 and entidad2, which represent the same thematic role; numbering has to do with the topic status of one of them (José M. García-Miguel, p.c.).

  8. 8.

    Cf. Talmy’s (2000: 24) observation that “grammatical forms are semantically constrained while lexical forms basically are not [...] the basic function of grammatical forms is to structure conception while that of lexical forms is to provide conceptual content.” The same applies to grammatical and lexical thematic relations.

  9. 9.

    Not only this schema: it also evokes MAGDA, TEACHER, and so on. The schema evoked by the verb performs a central role—something already found by traditional grammarians, when they state that the verb is the central element, or the “soul” of the sentence.

  10. 10.

    Framenet has ARRIVING for this notion, but “come close” is clearly distinct from “arriving”: only the latter is telic, for one thing.

  11. 11.

    More adequately, Levin (1993) speaks of “reciprocal alternations,” rather than “reciprocal verbs.”

  12. 12.

    This section follows a suggestion by Polyana Plais (p.c.).

  13. 13.

    Defined in Framenet as “Item 1 and Item 2 are compatible with each other if they can exist or function together in some context without problem, conflict or other undesirable situation.”

  14. 14.

    In Portuguese at least, we can also say você não combina com esse tom de cabelo “you do not go well with this hair color”; as for English, I am not sure.

  15. 15.

    This is the assignment requirement, seen in Sect. 11.4.

  16. 16.

    Perhaps ∗she is being Maria conveys a feeling of unacceptability similar to the one the Portuguese speaker experiences with [59].

  17. 17.

    Li and Thompson (1976) suggest that one criterion for language typology can be topic- or subject-prominence. If so, Brazilian Portuguese is somewhere in between.

  18. 18.

    Desse is an agglutination of the preposition de “from” plus esse “this.”

  19. 19.

    In this particular case the English sentence is parallel to the Portuguese: my car is the Possessor, a tire is the Possessed Thing (besides being the Patient).

  20. 20.

    Examples marked “EP” are taken from Pontes (1987). Pontes’s examples are all drawn from observed utterances.

  21. 21.

    Naquela is an agglutination of em “in” plus aquela “that.”

  22. 22.

    In written Portuguese meus óculos (plural); in the Brazilian spoken language, óculos is generally used as a singular.

  23. 23.

    On pairing of thematic relations see Perini 2015, 10.1.

  24. 24.

    Na is the agglutination of the preposition em plus the feminine article a.

  25. 25.

    As we must, following Culicover and Jackendoff (2005, Chap. 1).

  26. 26.

    I disregard an apparently similar construction, instanced by deu / bateu meia noite “it struck midnight,” which I suspect refers primarily to the noise of a clock: note that one can say bateu meia noite às duas horas “it struck midnight at two.” In any case, this omission is not crucial here.

  27. 27.

    Framenet: “An Experiencer has a greater desire to participate in some Event, as against another [...] event which exhibits a specific Contrast with the Event” (entry PREFERENCE).

  28. 28.

    Or, worse, that coffee prefers tea to Elsa.

  29. 29.

    This analysis is the only one found in Busse (1994: 386), and also in ADESSE, entry tener.

  30. 30.

    And in any case a dog being possession is a much more plausible situation than a dog owning something—since the schema for OWNER, as seen, includes a “possessed thing,” which can be filled in by the schema DOG, a creature we are accostumed to see as being frequently owned.

  31. 31.

    More rigorously, labeled in a way that allows recognition as an elaboration of Agent. But let us keep things simple by calling this variable Agent.

  32. 32.

    Framenet includes this in the more schematic notion MANIPULATION, but here we may keep the more elaborate one.

  33. 33.

    Framenet: EXPERIENCER_FOCUSED_EMOTION, with variables Experiencer and Content. ADESSE: GUSTAR, variables Experienciador (Experiencer) and Estímulo (Stimulus).

  34. 34.

    This may be the result of a prototype rule, still to be researched. Note that the Agent prototype rule does not apply, because neither of the variables can be identified as an elaboration of Agent.

  35. 35.

    No = em + definite article o.

  36. 36.

    Of course, it may be that features of Universal Grammar (UG) fill in the gaps, so that only thematic information is necessary. I remain skeptical about this possibility, until such universal features are found and duly supported by empirical data.

  37. 37.

    Described in Framenet as “a Perpetrator takes Goods from a Victim or a Source”; ADESSE has as participants Poseedor-final (“final possessor”), Posesión (“possession”) and Poseedor-inicial (“initial possessor”).

  38. 38.

    The same in English, but with a different verb, rob instead of steal.

  39. 39.

    Pairs active/passive are an additional counterexample, since they show the same constituents, with the same roles, in different syntactic functions.

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Perini, M.A. (2019). Case Studies. In: Thematic Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28538-8_13

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