Abstract
That revolution has ended in, or is about to vanish from, our contemporary world has become a common sense of published opinion. Although there are still some dissenting voices, this chapter focuses exclusively on the argument structure undergirding the end-of-revolution thesis, as it has been elaborated recently, in the context of the global domination of neoliberal capitalism. The purpose of the chapter is to reconstruct the architecture of the argument structure of the end-of-revolution thesis and to probe the validity of each of its six central elements. Without refuting the end-of-revolution thesis as such, the chapter seeks to demonstrate that its substantiations, in their present form, are either banal and unspecific or theoretically underdeveloped and inconsequential, or both.
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Discussing the Leftist “parting with revolution”, I do not mean to say that there are no dissenting voices on the Left. Some do retain a belief in the possibility of revolutions in the future; moreover, in their greater likelihood in the future (Selbin 2003, p. 87). Some still believe in the orthodox conception of revolution as a “vehicle of progress” driven by the dialectic of the forces of production and relations of production (Mandel 1989, p. 159 ff.). Some think that revolution can still be stirred up by the plight of the Third World nations (Amin 1990, pp. 158–159; McAuley 2003, p. 156). It can also be argued that a currently prevailing theory of revolution, whose origins are traceable back to Theda Skocpol’s States and Social Revolutions, is not crafted to serve as a predictor of the end of revolution (Collins 1993, p. 122). There is further a super-optimistic revolutionism, of which Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri are the best known exponents, which portrays the “revolution of the multitude” as already fully prepared by how capital itself has revolutionized the world and which is just around the corner (Hardt and Negri 2009, p. 242). Some argue that capitalism has become incompatible with the “technologies we have created” and thus has “reached the limits of its capacity to adapt” to the dynamics of our world (Mason 2015, p. xiii).
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Long before the rise of the current neoliberal revolution, the Right realized that revolution had to be wrested from the hands of the Left. They should be re-described as counter-revolutionaries resisting the only true (and benign) revolution, which is the worldwide capitalist transformation of humanity (Lippmann 1938, p. 169).
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Perhaps terminally suffering from what Simon Critchley calls “a motivational deficit at the heart of liberal democracy” (Critchley 2007, p. 39).
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Paul Sweezy’s term for this shifting metaphor is “substitute proletariat”. The latter may have nothing to do with a specifically proletarian experience, yet it may be capable of “playing the role assigned to the proletariat in classical Marxist theory” (Sweezy 1970, pp. 19–20).
- 6.
Lenin’s actual argument about the “weak links” is even stronger and more far-reaching than that: “the [global] chain is no stronger than its weakest link” (Lenin 1974c, p. 519).
- 7.
Some of the important aspects of the topic of “capitalism as an authoritarian regime” are insightfully examined by Charles Lindblom (1982).
- 8.
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Kapustin, B. (2019). What May Be Wrong with the “End” in the End-of-Revolution Thesis?. In: Namli, E. (eds) Future(s) of the Revolution and the Reformation. Radical Theologies and Philosophies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27304-0_6
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