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The Radio Hobby in the Service of National Socialism, 1935–1945

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The Radio Hobby, Private Associations, and the Challenge of Modernity in Germany

Abstract

This chapter looks at the remnants of the radio hobby during the Nazi Era and the Second World War, and shows how the Nazis feared hobbyists but still needed their expertise, allowing a handful of “ham radio” enthusiasts limited scope to pursue their interests, so long as they supported the regime and contributed to rearmament. Because of both technical change and political repression, the other radio clubs disappeared, but ham radio remained active and even grew during the Third Reich, albeit in a highly regimented form. As it turned out, even the Nazis needed hobbyists. Hams were used to hide and help secret rearmament, and even during the Second World War, they played a role as experts in radio technology.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “Wir Nationalsozialisten lassen keinen Zweifel darüber, daß die kommende Gemeinschaftsarbeit der zentralorgnisierten Rundfunkteilnehmerschaft, der Fachgruppen der Hörer, der Techniker und Amateure usw. eine nationalsozialistische, d.h. nach Befehl und Gehorsam gegliederte Ordnung sein wird!” (emphasis in the original). “Aufruf an alle deutschen Funkverbände und Vereinigungen!”, Funk und Bewegung 1, No. 5 (June 1933): 2.

  2. 2.

    Tim Mason, Social Policy in the Third Reich: The Working Class and the ‘National Community’ (Providence, Oxford: Berg, 1993); Karsten Steiger, Kooperation, Konfrontation, Untergang. Das Weimarer Tarif- und Schlichtungswesen während der Weltwirtschaftskrise und seine Vorbedingungen. Beiträge zur Unternehmensgeschichte 5. (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998): Section 7, 278–287.

  3. 3.

    Hans-Jörg Koch, Das Wunschkonzert im NS-Rundfunk, Medien in Geschichte und Gegenwart 20 (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna: Böhlau, 2003): 52–53.

  4. 4.

    I distinguish here between “social space” and “physical space”. Radio hobby clubs provided both. Physical space means labs and workshops (“maker spaces”) but also space where hobbyists could meet and exchange ideas (chiefly clubhouses and pubs with a relationship with a given club, but also exhibitions and fairs). Social space as I define it means clubs and other institutions which largely provided the physical spaces, as well as journals and a social identity as radio enthusiasts.

  5. 5.

    Funk last appeared in the Spring of 1944 (21, No. 7/12 April–June 1944). It was followed by a short-lived omnibus journal Funktechnik, which sought to combine Funk and three other radio journals (Funk, Funkschau, Funktechnischer Vorwärts, and Bastelbriefe der Drahtlosen) in a special wartime publication. It managed to appear as late as January 1945.

  6. 6.

    In 1943, the DASD mail order department was forced to close. Members were admonished to think about the needs of industry and the war effort when making their last orders. Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V., 9, No. 1 (January–February 1943).

  7. 7.

    This is a supposition. Information on such activities by individuals, especially during wartime and under the suspicion that any radio manipulation might be subversive, is naturally hard to obtain.

  8. 8.

    For longer work hours, Karsten Steiger, Kooperation, 278–287, and especially Table 15, 283. The “Winterhilfswerk” (WHW) was a Nazi Party-sponsored welfare and relief organization originally established during the Depression to help the poor and unemployed make it through the cold winter. Collecting money and goods for the WHW became an important test of conformity and obedience for Germans. See: Herwart Vorländer, “NS-Volkswohlfahrt und Winterhilfswerk des Deutschen Volkes”, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 34, No. 3 (1986): 341–380.

  9. 9.

    The technical simplicity of the Volksempfänger meant that the stronger local German stations could inevitably be received more clearly than foreign stations, but this was a technological limitation rather than an ideological one.

  10. 10.

    This is, of course, a very brief summary of a much more complicated phenomenon of NS media politics. In general, see Corey Ross, Media and the making of Modern Germany: Mass communications, Society and Politics from the Empire to the Third Reich (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Note that the radio journals which did not disappear with the end of the radio hobby organizations were not free of Nazi propaganda, it was simply packaged in a glossy and subtle way. See also Ansgar Diller, Rundfunkpolitik im Dritten Reich (Munich: DTV, 1980).

  11. 11.

    Remember, “ham” radio and “amateur radio” are terms used in English to refer to those hobbyists who not only listen to radio receivers, but also build and use radio transmitters.

  12. 12.

    Except, of course, for the fact that normal radio clubs no longer existed.

  13. 13.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 2, (February 5, 1936) describes the different types of membership.

  14. 14.

    For example, all of these themes appear in DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  15. 15.

    Originally, the DFTV was the formal IARU member organization, but this was transferred to the DASD sometime in 1933.

  16. 16.

    I 2/100 7 “Aufzeichnungen” of June 15, 1934, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 110–112. Given the general xenophobia of the Third Reich, the DASD was at pains to downplay its international ties when it came to its self-representation to the public.

  17. 17.

    A pending agreement with the Army was announced in 1936, at the DASD annual membership meeting. “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai- 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936). On the other hand, the Army seems to have often ignored the qualifications of DASD members during the early war years.

    Note that there were long-standing practical reasons for Army ambivalence toward wireless: through the Second World War, although it did of course make use of radio technology, the German Army remained tied to wired (not wireless) communications whenever possible, and over land, it almost always was possible. Most Army radios were short-range, tactical radios working in the ultra high frequency (UHF) and very high frequency (VHF) portions of the radio spectrum. The Army thus had comparatively little need for shortwave specialists, unlike the Navy. Werner Niehaus, Die Nachrichtentruppe, 1914 bis heute. Entstehung und Einsatz. (Stuttgart: Motorbuch Verlag, 1980):39–285.

  18. 18.

    In the case of both Otto Groos and Heinrich Gebhardt, the Navy took the initiative to propose their appointment to the Propaganda Ministry. “Der Reichswehrminister a IV n 1794/34. Geh. (Geheim!) to Herrn Reichsminister für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, Betrifft: Deutscher Amateur- Sende-Dienst, Besetzung des Präsidenten, of 23. September 1934, signed Blomberg, Generaloberst”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 143; “R.M.f.V.u.P. 2 1007/22.6. ?ef. Min. Rat. Rüdiger, Reg. Rat. Hushahn, an den Herrn Reichskriegsminister und Oberbefehlshaber der Wehrmacht (Geheim!) of 9. September 1935” BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 177.

  19. 19.

    Edward W. Bennett, German Rearmament and the West 1932–1933 (Princeton N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979).

  20. 20.

    “M” stood for “Marine”, “Navy” in German. DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 11 (May 23, 1935).

  21. 21.

    See DASD Verordnungsblatt Nr. 32 (II/10) (May 22, 1937). At the time of the dissolution, the DASD stated that this led to a loss of approximately 400 members. DASD Verordnungsblatt Nr. 40 (II/18) (November 5, 1937). Ironically, the experience of working with the DASD led some of these men—who all of course had an interest in radio—to later reenter amateur radio as a hobby after the war. An example is Willi Fock, DL3NX. See “Vorläufige Mitgliederliste FWGM/Sondergruppe M—Stand: 21.08.2005”, Dokufunk Archive, copy available at: http://dokufunk.org/upload/m_liste(1).pdf. True, this did not benefit the DASD directly, since it was disbanded after the end of the war, but it did benefit the hobby and its new postwar organization, the DARC (Deutscher Amateur Radio Club/German Amateur Radio Club).

  22. 22.

    Heinz Mehler F.W.G.M./Marine-Wehrfunk. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Organisation. M.S., Mainz, 1993, Dokufunk Archive, 5–7.

  23. 23.

    Mitteilungsblatt der DASD Landesgruppe A (n.D., 1936). In general, see: Mehler FWGM/Marine-Wehrfunk. For a memoir of a young worker who took the Seesport-Funkzeugnis exam and became a navy radio operator, see the memoir by Bernhard Schröder, (born 1923 Osnabrück-Eversburg), http://schroeder-eversburg.de/memoiren.html. He was seconded during the war from the Navy to the German Foreign Ministry (possibly a cover for German Military Intelligence) and worked in both Spain and France.

  24. 24.

    In 1935, the FWGM saw an influx of men from naval radio units of the SA after the winding down of the Chef.-AW organization within the SA. Schnellbrief an Marineverteiler, vom Chef des Führungsamtes (gez. Jüttner) “Der Oberster SA-Führer, Führungsamt, F 3 a Nr. 66 073, Betr. Freiwillige Wehrfunkgruppen (F.W.G.M.) of 16. December 1935”, BA-MA RM20/1975. Both the HJ and the SA had special naval units, particularly in coastal regions, but also in areas with major river traffic. The idea was to attract those with a maritime background or interests, and also to maintain maritime skills for use by the Navy. Both the SA and HJ also had special communications units. For the SA, see “OSAF ChM. 181/33 Betr: Marine-Stürme der S.A. of 12.7.33; “Erfahrungsbericht über die Ausbildung in Nachrichtensport” (Geheim)” (n.d.)[1933 or 34]; “SA der NSDAP, Marinestandarte 7, Gr. Kurpfalz Br.B. Nr. 64/35a geh betr: Ausbildung in Nachrichtensport (Geheim) of 12.4.35”, both in BArch, Sammlung Schumacher 405; and “FOa Das Nachrichtenwesen der S.A. of 4.4.38”, BArch NS23/vorl.194.

  25. 25.

    In 1933, the SA had shown great interest in the DASD, and even attempted to take over control of it from the RMVP. The armed forces worked against this behind the scenes, and the decline in status of the SA after the Röhm Purge of June 1934 put an end to it. See: “I 2/100 7 “Aufzeichnungen” of June 15, 1934”, in: BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 110–112. The internal competition between different Party and government interests was a characteristic element of the Nazi system. In this regard, the SA and HJ interests in the DASD were quite similar and parallel in their ambitions, the difference being that the SA was brought to heel in 1934, whereas the HJ retained more internal power within the Nazi system.

  26. 26.

    The difference between the FWGM and the Sondergruppe “M” was that the latter was made up of naval personnel, while the FWGM was mainly made up of young people who had yet to perform military service. It was thus part of a more long-term strategy for forming future radio operators well in advance of their military service.

  27. 27.

    The Hitler Youth was both a Nazi Party and German state organization after 1933. Like most of the Nazi Party paramilitary affiliates after the Nazi takeover, it existed in a liminal state as both an organ of the government and of the Nazi Party.

  28. 28.

    The SA pursued a similar policy until the Röhm Purge temporarily sidelined that organization. Robert L. Koehl, “Feudal Aspects of National Socialism”, American Political Science Review LIV, No. 4 (December 1960): 921–933.

  29. 29.

    “Abkommen zwischen dem Deutschen Amateur Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. (…) und der Hitlerjugendbewegung e.V., Reichsjugendführung(…) March 21,1935”, CQ-MB No. 12 (December 1935): 148. This was also reprinted in: DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 6 (April 3, 1936).

  30. 30.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 6 (April 3, 1936). Many members of this young HJ cohort (along with some former members of the Sondergruppe “M” and FWGM) would later build the backbone of the postwar amateur radio organizations in both East and West Germany.

  31. 31.

    Leo H. Jung, DH4IAB, “QSL’s erzählen deutsche Amateurfunkgeschichte”, No. 9 “Beim DASD 1933–1945”, Funk-Telegramm No. 12 (2003): 9–13.

  32. 32.

    Later, this political vetting was expanded. From April 1937 on, all members of the DASD had to be vetted for political trustworthiness by the Nazi Party in their region (Gau) of residence, as well as by the police. This was done through the regional Party apparatus and the Reichsamtsleitung Rundfunk. See DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 28 (II/6) (April 1, 1937).

  33. 33.

    See, for example, “Bericht 33 des Überwachungsstelle für den privaten deutschen Kurzwellenverkehr bei der Pol. Hauptfunkstelle Berlin für die Zeit vom 1.-31.7.1933”, BArch R/1501/20400 St10 RMdI KPD-Radio-Propaganda Bd. 2 Mai1931–Juli1933, 2–6.

  34. 34.

    Based, of course, on the Nazi Leadership Principle. See DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 10 (May 29, 1936).

  35. 35.

    Characterization of Schäfer is based on the following documents: “Reply of Schäfer to accusations”, (n.D.), BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 54–58; “A.E. II S “Abschrift” “Bericht” of November 3, 1933, by Krim.-Ass. Kretschner [?] and Krim.-A.-Anw. Transfeld on a speech given by Schäfer at a Werbeabend of DASD on November 2, 1933”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, pp. 64–65; “DRVP I2 1007/113.12, ?? Min.Rat. Rüdiger, ?? Min. Amtm. Protz, “Vermerk” of December 15, 1933”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 80–81; “S.A. Der N.S.D.A.P. Gr. Niedersachsen Abtl. II. A., Schr. N., Betr. Sturmbaf. Schäfer, Bezug. O.S.A.F. V. 20.12.33 II Nr. 1742/33, Anlagen B.B. Nr. 1802/34 to O.S.A.F. of February 5, 1934, signed der Führer der Gr. Niedersachen m.d.F.b. Brif. [Illegible]”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 84; “Der Reichswehrminister, Chiffrierstelle (Geheim)(Abschrift) Niederschrift der wesentlichsten Gedanken der Aussprache zwischen Herrn Direktor Hadamowsky, Oberstleutnant Fellgiebel und Hauptmann Oschmann am 6. November 1933 of 7. November 1933, signed, Hauptm. Oschmann” BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 85; “III. An den Reichsminister Dr. Goebbels über Herrn Min.Rat Rüdiger und den Herrn Staatssekretär, in Hause of 20 February 1934” BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 91–92; “I 2/100 7 “Aufzeichnungen” of June 15, 1934”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 110–112; “R.M.f.V.u.P., Beauftragter,(Geheim), signed B?? of June, 22, 1934”, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 134; “Letter from Prof. G. Leithäuser, President, DASD, to Herrn Dr. Collatz, Ministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda (Abschrift) of June 25, 1934”: BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 135 and “Dem Herrn Minister habe ich folgendes zu Berichten”, of July 12, 1934, BArch R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD,140. Interestingly, there are no remaining SA records concerning Schäfer.

  36. 36.

    His SA rank of “Sturmbannführer” corresponds to a Major in the Army. On the SA in Berlin and its relationship to Goebbels in 1933, see: Stefan Hördler, ed., Der SA-Terror als Herrschaftssicherung. “Köpinecker Blutwoche” und Öffentliche Gewalt im frühen Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: Metropol Verlag, 2013).

  37. 37.

    See note 35 above. Körner speaks of this episode in strangely elliptical fashion. Amateurfunk, 113–114.

  38. 38.

    “Deutsche Amateur-Sende-Dienst, Prof. Dr. Leithäuser, Präsident des DASD, to the Ministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, z. Hd. des Herrn Collatz of 15 June 1934”: BArch BAK R55/229 Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda, DASD, 124–125.

  39. 39.

    Groos was a noted naval historian, as well as a professional officer. He retired from the Navy in 1934, and was DASD President from October 12, 1934, to September 30, 1935, when he was recalled to active service. He was later promoted during the war to full Admiral, and held important positions in the Navy High Command.

  40. 40.

    Heinrich Gebhardt was born in 1885. A professional naval officer, he retired in 1934 as a Rear Admiral (Konteradmiral). He was preparing for reactivation by the Navy in the Spring of 1939, but died suddenly of blood poisoning in July 1939, without returning to active service.

  41. 41.

    See, for example, Mitteilungsblatt des Landesverbandes A des DASD e.V (August–September 1935), or Landesgruppenleiter Walter Trott, Rundschreiben 2/35 der Landesgruppe A (March 5, 1935).

  42. 42.

    Landesgruppenleiter Walter Trott, Rundschreiben 2/35 der Landesgruppe A of 5.3.1935.

  43. 43.

    “Bedingungen für die Errichtung und den Betrieb einer Versuchsfunkanlage für Funkfreunde” Anlage 1 zum Amtsblatt des Reichspostministeriums Vf. Nr. 53/1935.

  44. 44.

    CQ No. 10 (October 1933). The number varied, and later grew to 21, with the inclusion of Danzig and the annexation of Austria. “DASD Organisationsplan”, CQ No. 10 (October 1938).

  45. 45.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 7 (April 7, 1936). Later still, new Landesgruppen were added as the Nazi empire expanded into France (the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine) and eastern Europe (the annexation of western Poland). DASD organization in these conquered territories remained relatively undeveloped.

  46. 46.

    Along with Gebhardt’s 1936 address, on the organization of DASD headquarters, see: “Amtliche Mitteilungen der DASD-Leitung”, CQ, No. 1 (January 1937):14–15.

  47. 47.

    It was first called the “Logauswertungstelle”—“Radio Log Evaluation Point”, and later, in mid-1936, the name was changed to “Naturwissenschaftliche Forschungsstelle” or “Physical Science Research Office”.

  48. 48.

    See below, pp. 217–218.

  49. 49.

    Even a strict National Socialist like Admiral Gebhardt had to acknowledge this fact. See “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai- 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  50. 50.

    For the origins of the DE-License, see pp. 128–129 above.

  51. 51.

    So, for example, the “DE-Number” 2653/F was issued to Günter Balz in Berlin-Wilmersdorf in 1934. Nachrichtenblatt der Landesgruppe Berlin des D.A.S.D. (December 1934).

  52. 52.

    Rolf Wiegand (DE0065 D4cxf) DASD-Fibel. Wie werde ich Kurzwellen-Amateur?, Herausgegeben in Einvernehmen mit dem Rundfunkamt der Reichsjugendführung vom Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst eV. (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1936).

  53. 53.

    Ibid.

  54. 54.

    See the description “Für den Anfänger—Der Weg zur Sendeerlaubnis”, CQ-MB. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangs-Dienstes e.V. No. 7 (July 1935): 103–104. The legal basis was: “Bekanntmachung über Liebhaberfunksender vom 10. February 1935” (Amtsblatt des Reichspostministeriums vom February 13, 1935) and later “Verordnung über Sender für Funkfreunde vom 9. Januar 1939, mit Ausührungsbestimmungen”. (Amtsblatt des Reichspostministeriums von 12. Januar 1939, Nr. 5).

  55. 55.

    For example, the prominent German amateur Alfred Noack held the call sign D 4 BOF in 1934. Nachrichtenblatt der Landesgruppe Berlin des D.A.S.D. of December 1934.

  56. 56.

    The 1939 regulations only required vetting by the police. Prior to this, between November 1937 and the outbreak of war, a second level of vetting was done by the Nazi Party. See below.

  57. 57.

    For more on the Betriebsdienst, see below.

  58. 58.

    See above, Chap. 1.

  59. 59.

    Naturally, there was still a social side to club activities, but it was not at all advertised openly.

  60. 60.

    Schedules were printed in the newsletters of the various DASD Regional Sections. For example, “Betriebsdienst”, MBT: Mitteilungsblatt der Landesgruppe Mittelrhein 1, No. 1 (January 1935): 6, or “Funkplan”, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 3 (April 1943): 8.

  61. 61.

    A high degree of participation was made possible not least by progress in radio design, which allowed the “rejection” of nearby signals and the reception of a single signal on a fairly narrow slice of the radio spectrum. This allowed a greater number of simultaneous transmissions on narrower pieces of the spectrum and thus greater participation.

  62. 62.

    Körner, Amateurfunk, 135–136, praises the efficacy of the Betriebsdienst as training and as a political argument for the continued existence of DASD.

  63. 63.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  64. 64.

    Not a rank, but the head of a regional office, in this case, Berlin.

  65. 65.

    Gaufunkstellenleiter were officers within the Gau (region) leadership, whose job it was to deal with radio issues. It was not a particularly high-ranking position.

  66. 66.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  67. 67.

    See below.

  68. 68.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  69. 69.

    This is separate from a similar certificate provided by the Party, which was required from 1937 onward.

  70. 70.

    All men serving in the armed forces or Labor Service for less than two months were forced to formally leave the DASD. Leaving the DASD also meant that they had to give up their permit to transmit and surrender their transmitter, if they had one. (This did not apply to those sent into the DASD by the Navy).

  71. 71.

    See the various numbers of the Verordnungsblatt des DASD for 1936.

  72. 72.

    Körner, Amateurfunk, 143–145.

  73. 73.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  74. 74.

    For example, see: DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938): 1–5. See also: W. Schierenbeck, “Deutsche Gründlichkeit—Auch im DASD!”, CQ No. 3 (March 1938): 37.

  75. 75.

    From the mid-1930s, the DASD worked on researching propagation on the then still poorly understood very high frequency (VHF) portion of the radio spectrum, particularly on the 10-meter and 5-meter bands. (German: UKW; roughly 30 MHz–300 MHz.). See, for example, “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936). Portions of these bands had been opened for amateurs at the 1927 International Radiotelegraph Conference, and soon gained the interest of industry and the military. This research continued into the war. See, for example, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 1 (January–February 1943).

  76. 76.

    DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938): 1–5.

  77. 77.

    Nearly a full run of CQ is available in several university libraries, and online at: http://www.afu-df3iq.de/index-Dateien/page0024.htm. It was not only sent directly to DASD members, but was included as an insert in the journal Funk.

  78. 78.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  79. 79.

    Deutscher Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst, Hauptverkehrsleitung, Technische Abteilung, Kurzwellentechnik, Ein Leitfaden für den Amateur (Berlin: Rothgiesser & Diesing, 1931, 2nd. edited edition 1935). Wolf Wiegand, DE0065, D 4 cxf, DASD-Fibel. Wie Werde ich Kurzwellen-Amateur? (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1936).

  80. 80.

    This pre-military training for the Navy ended in 1939, when the SA was given responsibility for all forms of pre- and post-military training by an order of Adolf Hitler.

  81. 81.

    Somewhat after this address, the DASD began to issue a new “Certificate of Radio Proficiency” (Funkzeugnis ) to its members. A loose agreement with the Army called for it to be recognized when making assignment to specialty formations. This was superseded for the military in 1939 when the SA was given all forms of pre-military training, and replaced the DASD Funkzeugnis with its own certificate. The DASD certificate was still issued and used to prove radio skills in private industry.

  82. 82.

    The Hitler Youth (including the girl’s wing, the Bund Deutscher Mädel or BDM) was originally a private organization of the Nazi Party. Like the SA, it then became a state-sponsored organization in 1933, when the Nazis took power. It was first voluntary, but membership was later made compulsory in 1936. See: Michael H. Kater, Hitler Youth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004); H.W. Koch, The Hitler Youth: Origins and Development, 1922–1945 (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1996); Gerhard Rempel, Hitler’s Children: The Hitler Youth and the SS (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); Arno Klönne, Jugend im Dritten Reich (Cologne: Diederichs, 1982); Dagmar Reese, Straff, aber nicht stramm—herb, aber nicht derb: Zur Vergesellschaftung von Mädchen durch den Bund Deutscher Mädel im sozialkulturellen Vergleich zweier Milieus, Ergebnisse der Frauenforschung (Weinheim: Beltz, 1989).

  83. 83.

    On the Reich Labor Service in international perspective, see Kiran Klaus Patel, Soldiers of Labor: Labor Service in Nazi Germany, and New Deal America, 1933–1945, Publications of the German Historical Institute (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

  84. 84.

    “Sendelizenzen für Angehörige des Reichsarbeitsdienstes”, DASD Verordnungsblatt (April 3, 1935): 3–4.

  85. 85.

    “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai 1936”, DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 9 (April 30, 1936).

  86. 86.

    “An dieser Stelle mochte ich auch noch einmal auf die Schwarzsenderfrage eingehen. Leider ereignen sich immer noch vereinzelte Fälle wo auch Mitglieder des DASD ihre Ungeduld, endlich offiziell die Sendegenehmigung zu erhalten nicht bezähmen können und sich als Schwarzsender betätigen.

    Ich kann mich nicht ganz des Eindrucks erwehren, als ob es sich hierbei manchmal um eine vermeintliche Forschheit handelt, die offenbar die heutige Zeit mit jenen Systemzeiten verwechselt, in denen es für die deutschen Amateure ein Sport war unter stillschweigender Duldung wohlmeinender Stellen schwarszusenden. Diese Zeiten, meine Herren Schwarzsender, sind heute vorbei. Wer von unseren DASD-Mitgliedern schwarz-sendet, noch dazu unter missbräuchlicher Benutzung des Rufzeichens eines Kameraden wird für alle Zeiten aus dem DASD ausgeschlossen und ausserdem dem ordentlichen Gericht zügeführt.

    Ich möchte hierbei auch hervorheben, dass unsere Mitglieder und besonders unsere eigenen Überwachungszentralen sich eifrig an der Beobachtung und Ermittlung von wilden Schwarzsendern beteiligen, deren es leider immer noch eine ganze Anzahl in Deutschland gibt. Unsere Mitglieder haben auf diesem Gebiet schon manchen schönen Erfolg aufzuweisen gehabt und im übrigen durch ihre Beobachtungen das entsprechende Material der staatlicher Überwachungsstellen, mit denen wir in dauernden und enger Zusammenarbeit stehen, in wirksamer Weise vervollständigt”. “Ansprache des Präsidenten des DASD auf der Kundgebung am 23, Mai- 1936”, in: DASD Verordnungsblatt Nr. 9 of April 30, 1936.

  87. 87.

    The German system of tightly controlled radio use created the conditions for its own contravention. By supporting the acquisition of technical proficiency, the state also gave German hams the illegal knowledge to contravene restrictions on transmission without a license. It is hard not to think of de Certeau here: within the strategic system of tightly controlled public access to the airwaves, German amateurs developed a tactical knowledge, which allowed them to transmit and contact others in contravention of the law. See Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984): 34.

  88. 88.

    See, for example, the repeated condemnation of illegal transmission in CQ.

  89. 89.

    For example, see the story of DASD member Rolf Formis, who secretly ran a transmitter for the “Black Front” (“Schwarze Front”) and who was killed in Czech exile by Gestapo agents. Körner, Amateurfunk, 127–132. Katrin Paehler, The Third Reich’s Intelligence Services: The Career of Walter Schellenberg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 112.

  90. 90.

    “Liebhaberfunksender: Der Reichspostminister teilt unterm 19- Dezember 1935 mit”: in: DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 1 (January 10, 1936). In a similar fashion, roughly a year later, DASD members were reminded that anyone convicted of illegally transmitting could never be readmitted to the club. DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 32 (II/10) (May 22, 1937).

  91. 91.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 25 (II/3) (February 19, 1937).

  92. 92.

    Ibid.

  93. 93.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 26 (II/4) (February 26, 1937).

  94. 94.

    Gesetz gegen die Schwarzsender vom 24. November 1937 (RGBl. Nr. 130 vom November 29, 1937). Note that transmitting without a license was already illegal. The new law greatly increased the potential punishment, however.

  95. 95.

    “Das neue Schwarzsendergesetz”, in the rubric: “Amtliche Mitteilungen der DASD-Leitung”, in: CQ No. 1 (January 1938):13–14. To reinforce the message, the announcement of the new law was immediately followed by a second article announcing the sentencing and expulsion of two former DASD members (both still in school) for illegal transmission. “Verurteilung von Schwarzsendern”, in: ibid., 14. Their sentencing occurred before the new law, so that they were only sentenced to fines. See also “Gesetz gegen die Schwarzsender”, Verordnungsblatt des DASD No. 42 (December 10, 1937): 2.

  96. 96.

    Hans Bauer, Nürnberg, ed. Nachrichtenblatt-Nr. 11 der Landesgruppe Bayern-Nord des DASD e.V. (November, 1935). The newsletter discusses the case of Norbert Braun, as announced in CQ No. 10 (October 1935). It goes on to say that since his sentence was so minimal, the “authorities” have taken steps to increase penalties for illegal transmission in the future, which will certainly include prison sentences.

  97. 97.

    “Verordnung über Sender für Funkfreunde” of January 9, 1939 (Amtsblatt des Reichspostministeriums Nr. 5 of January 12, 1929).

  98. 98.

    “Zusammenstellung der bis zum 1. November 1937 beobachteten Schwarzsender” in Dokufunk Archive.

  99. 99.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 33 (II/11)(June 1, 1937). Körner was a leading West German ham, and is best known for writing a history of amateur radio in Germany. See: Körner, Amateurfunk. For another example, see the case of Norbert Braun, in CQ No. 10 (October 1935).

  100. 100.

    See the next chapter (Chap. 7).

  101. 101.

    As one example, see the memoir by Rudolf Binz, DL3SO, “Mein Funker-Leben. (Privates und Unprivates)”, Part 1, https://z37.vfdb.org/wp-content/uploads/DL0SO_Teil1.pdf and Part 2, https://z37.vfdb.org/wp-content/uploads/DL0SO_Teil2.pdf. Binz, later a high official in the West German Postal Ministry, admits to building and using an illegal transmitter in the early and mid-1930s, even once he was a DASD member and Hitler Youth radio operator (HJ-Bannfunkwart). (Part 1, 1–7; Part 2, 7).

  102. 102.

    “Schwarzsendergesetz and Ausführungsbestimmungen. In: Reichsgesetzblatt, Teil I, Gesetz, Seite 1298 und 1299; Verordnung zur Durchführung desselben, Seite 1303 und 1304”. Announced in DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 42 (II/20) (December 10, 1937).

  103. 103.

    As we shall see below, and unlike most other countries, Germany did not ban all amateur transmission for propaganda and scientific reasons. But only those issued special wartime transmission permits were allowed to be on the air.

  104. 104.

    On September 1, 1939, the “Verordnung über außerordentliche Rundfunkmaßnahmen” was issued. Fuge, Schwarzhörer, 18–21.

  105. 105.

    Verordnungsblatt des DASD (December 1940). The DASD Leitung sent special warnings against Schwarzsenden directly to members. Leitung des DASD, “An alle Mitglieder und ehemalgen Mitglieder des DASD, of 6. December 1940”, Dokufunk archive schn_020a. The warning mentioned six illegal transmitters who were recently prosecuted and sentenced.

  106. 106.

    “Schwarzsenden ist Landesverrat. Jedem Schwarzsender droht die Todesstrafe”, CQ No. 7/8 (July–August 1941). By this time, there was a new DASD President, SS-Gruppenführer and retired Lieutenant General Sachs.

  107. 107.

    There was an exception for amateurs who worked in support of the military. See Haring, Ham Radio, Chapter 5.

  108. 108.

    DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938):1–5.

  109. 109.

    DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938): 1–5; DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 2 (III/2) (22.1. 1938). For all intents and purposes, there was a moratorium on the granting of new licenses in 1937, until the new Law on Illegal Transmitters was issued.

  110. 110.

    Remember that the Nazi Party was organized into regional divisions, called Gaue (1 Gau, 2 Gaue). The head of the Gau, the Gauleiter, was a particularly powerful member of the party who enjoyed direct access to Hitler, and a great deal of autonomy in his Gau.

  111. 111.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 22 (December 18, 1936); DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 28 (II/6) (April 1, 1937).

  112. 112.

    It is interesting that this new round of vetting was to be done at the regional (Gau) level. This may indicate the growing influence of the Gaue vis-à-vis the Propaganda Ministry, though it was their representative in the Gau who whose office actually was supposed to conduct the checks. On the other hand, the Nazis always placed great value on personal contacts and reputation, and it may simply indicate that the vetting was to be done by people who could be expected to know something about the DASD members firsthand.

  113. 113.

    DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938):1–5; Körner, Amateurfunk, 138.

  114. 114.

    DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, and subsequent editorial note, both in CQ No. 1 (January 1938): 1–5.

  115. 115.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 32 (II/10) (May 22, 1937). The DASD members who belonged to the Sondergruppe M all paid regular dues, though, in fact, the money came directly from the Navy, and not out of their individual pockets. Since the DASD had roughly 4200 members in 1937, this was a major blow. See also DASD President Gebhardt, “Zur Jahreswende”, CQ No. 1 (January 1938): 1–5.

  116. 116.

    DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 37 (II/15) (August 27, 1937).

  117. 117.

    Gesine Gerhard, Nazi Hunger Politics: A History of Food in the Third Reich (London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015) Chapter 2.

  118. 118.

    On the Allied bombing of Germany, see Jörg Friedrich, Der Brand. Deutschland im Bombenkrieg -1945 (Spiegel-Verlag, 2007). Note that many civilians also participated in the system of civilian civil defense alongside their jobs, meaning that time outside of work hours was increasingly occupied.

  119. 119.

    See the report from Bezirksverband 6 (Berlin Südosten), Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9 No. 3. (April 1942).

  120. 120.

    As mentioned above, from the mid-1930s onward, the DASD worked on researching propagation in the VHF portion of the radio spectrum, particularly on the 10-meter and 5-meter bands. (German: UKW; roughly 30 MHz–300 MHz) This research continued into the war. See, for example, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 1(January–February 1943).

  121. 121.

    Körner, Amateurfunk, 170–172. A list of all still licensed German stations as of August 1944 is reproduced at: http://www.viehl-radio.de/homeda/chronik/kriegslizenzen.pdf. The provenance is sadly not listed. Note the division into shortwave and 10-meter permits.

  122. 122.

    See, for example, “Auswertungsbericht zum QM-Relais-Test vom 20.12.42-3.1.1943”, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 3 (April 1943).

  123. 123.

    The DASD staff devoted to “nonessential” tasks such as the transmission of QSL cards was severely cut in wartime.

  124. 124.

    See Körner, Amateurfunk, 153, 163, 170–172, here: 172. On the British “Plan Flypaper” to counter the presence of German amateurs on the air during the war, see Southgate Radio Amateur News, “Plan Flypaper”, at: http://www.southgatearc.org/news/july2006/plan_flypaper.htm (last accessed June 15, 2018).

  125. 125.

    See the report on SS-Obergruppenführer and DASD President Ernst Sachs’ postwar interrogation by the Office of Strategic Services (OSS): “Report from Headquarters, United States Armed Forces European Theater, Military Intelligence Service Center, APO 757 to Counter Intelligence War Room, Subject: Re CI War Room brief FF 603.185/W.R.C.Sa. of 19.November 45”, United States National Archives (NARA) RG226, Box 33 Office of Strategic Services Entry 119A; London X-2 PTS Files; London X-2 PTS-3 Files Thran, Friedrich THRU Ulrich, Wolfgang, Folder 866 PF 603.125 OGRUF. SACHS.

  126. 126.

    For example, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 4. (October 1943).

  127. 127.

    For example: Stellv. LVF/K Hans Goldmann, Mitteilungen des Landesverbandes Niedersachsen, LV/K im DASD, Bremen,(Christmas, 1943) or Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 3 (April 1943).

  128. 128.

    The last known CQ was Vol. 18, No. 11 (November 1944).

  129. 129.

    See DASD Verordnungsblatt No. 5 (March 1941): 1.

  130. 130.

    For example, Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 3 (April 1943). Note that in some cases, the telegraphic abbreviations typical of amateur radio traffic were used to further hide the meaning conveyed.

  131. 131.

    It seems as if some Regional Leaders continued to send a rudimentary newsletter even afterwards. See, for example, Nachrichtenblatt des Landesverbandes Reichshauptstadt 9, No. 4 (October 1943).

  132. 132.

    For a soldier actually sending in reception reports for Betriebsdienst traffic, see Nachrichtenblatt Landesverband Reichshauptstadt im Deutschen Amateur-Sende- und Empfangsdienst e.V. 9, No. 3 (April 1943). The soldier’s name was Gerhard Polke. For a soldier mentioning that he listened to Betriebsdienst traffic from the front, see Stellv. LVF/K Hans Goldmann, Mitteilungen des Landesverbandes Niedersachsen, LV/K im DASD, Bremen (Christmas 1943).

  133. 133.

    “Hallo ob’s! hr N.B.B.” Nachrichtenblatt des Landesverbandes B-Pommern des DASD e.V. No. 6 (June 1938) “Nur für Mitglieder des DASD bestimmt!” [Only for Members of the DASD!].

  134. 134.

    See his “SS Personalakte”, United States National Archives (NARA) Microfilmed Records Received from the Berlin Document Center, SS Officer Personnel Files. Microfilm Publication A3343, Series SSO. In particular, see his SS-Führer Stammkarte and Lebenslauf.

  135. 135.

    “SS Personalakte” Ernst Sachs (DOB 24 December 1880) in: United States National Archives (NARA) Microfilmed Records Received from the Berlin Document Center, SS Officer Personnel Files. Microfilm Publication A3343, Series SSO. In particular, see Himmler’s letter to Sachs of August 1944.

  136. 136.

    A copy of this questionnaire may be found in: NARA Record Group 226, Box 33 Office of Strategic Services Entry 119A; London X-2 PTS Files; London X-2 PTS-3 Files Thran, Friedrich THRU Ulrich, Wolfgang, Folder 866 PF 603.125 OGRUF. SACHS.

  137. 137.

    After the failure of the July 20 attempt on Hitler’s life, Himmler was named Head of the Reserve Army (Ersatzheer), placing him in charge of all troops not in combat areas, and effectively giving him control over the armed forces. At the same time, the SS also took over the Abwehr.

  138. 138.

    On the SS in general, see Robert L. Koehl, The Black Corps. The Structure and Power Struggles of the Nazi SS (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983) and Heinz Höhne, The Order Under the Death’s Head. The Story of Hitler’s SS (New York: Ballantine Books, 1977 (1966)). On the Waffen-SS and the difference between the General-SS and the Waffen-SS, see Koehl, Black Corps, Chapter 6. In general, see George H. Stein The Waffen-SS: Hitler’s Elite Guard at War, 1939–1945 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1966) and Bernd Wegner Hitlers Politische Soldaten: Die Waffen-SS 1933–1945. Studien zu Leitbild, Struktur und Funktion einer Nationalsozialistischen Elite (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1982).

  139. 139.

    In general, see Wegner, chapters 6–8.

  140. 140.

    For example, the Army controlled the military service of all German nationals, but did not have the same control over ethnic Germans in areas occupied by Germany or on territory belonging to German allies. To fuel Waffen-SS expansion, Himmler instituted a military service obligation for foreign ethnic Germans in July 1942.

  141. 141.

    Körner, Amateurfunk 138; 143–146; 165–169.

  142. 142.

    Ernst Fendler, DL1JK (ex D4IDF, etc.) “DL1jk Chronik” in: Dokufunk Archive. Fendler first served in the Army, and then worked for Telefunken during the Second World War. He was known as a VHF specialist.

  143. 143.

    For Army intelligence, “letter from Dipl. Ing. E. Graff to DASD Headquarters of 28.11.1939”, BArch, NS19/3918, Pers. Stab RFSS, Amateurfunkwesen, in which he asks DASD for money to pay overtime for workers occurred while building two “Geräte” “für OKW Abt. Ausl. IV f”. For DASD production of radios for the SS/SD, see BArch record group NS19/3917, Persönlicher Stab, Reichsführer-SS, Havelinstitut.

  144. 144.

    “Der Funkbeauftragte, Rundschreiben Nr. 1/35 (Geheim) of February 4, 1935, gez Schmolinske”, BA-MA RM20/2975 OKM/Marinekommandoamt der Reichsmarine und Kriegsmarine.

  145. 145.

    Körner, Amateurfunk, 169. The two amateurs were Hans Plisch and Hans Ehrlich. To be fair, some DASD members, including technical staff in the headquarters, were well-trained engineers or scientists with “day jobs” in industry. What set them apart from others is the practical do-it-yourself experience they had as amateurs.

  146. 146.

    On the Abwehr, see David Kahn, Hitler’s Spies: German Military Intelligence in World War II (New York: Macmillan, 1978).

  147. 147.

    For one example, see the correspondence between W.F. Körner and Herbert Wulfhoop (ex D4jth) about the latter’s service in the Abwehr, in Dokufunk Archive, DASD15 (DASD Allgemeines Schriftgut). For another example, see NARA Record Group 226, Box 4, Office of Strategic Services Entry 119A; London X-2 PTS Files; London X-2 PTS-3 Files Bovensiepen PF 602.627, folder 105: Bodigheimer, Ferdinand DF 602.900; Bödigheimer, Ferdinand, Hauptmann, Nachr. Abt. III. Bödigheimer had been an early ham, and was a DASD Regional Leader until he was called up for military service, whereupon his wife took over as Regional Leader.

  148. 148.

    Michael Wildt, Generation des Unbedingten Das Führungskorps des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2003).

  149. 149.

    In general, see Paehler, Schellenberg.

  150. 150.

    Paehler, Schellenberg, 354–359.

  151. 151.

    See note 145 above.

  152. 152.

    “Report from Headquarters, United States Armed Forces European Theater, Military Intelligence Service Center, APO 757 to Counter Intelligence War Room, Subject: Re CI War Room brief FF 603.185/W.R.C.Sa. of November 19, 45”, in: NARA RG226, Box 33 Office of Strategic Services Entry 119A; London X-2 PTS Files; London X-2 PTS-3 Files Thran, Friedrich THRU Ulrich, Wolfgang, Folder 866 PF 603.125 OGRUF. SACHS.

  153. 153.

    “RFSS/Persönlicher Stab: Havelinstitut, 05. Dezember 1943”; (EAP 161-b-12/384), frames 2655410–2655435, NARA, Captured German Records Microfilmed at Alexandria, Virginia, Records of the Reich Leader of the SS, and Chief of the German Police [RF-SS]. Microfilm Publication T175. See particularly the “ wish-list” attached to: SS-Sturmbannführer Siepen to SS-Obersturmbannführer Brandt of December 5, 1943 “Erfahrungsbericht über Aufbau und bisherige Leistung des Havelinstituts; Drahtlose Verbindung in rückwärtige russische Gebiete, Invasionsfunknetze in besetzten Gebieten, Unternehmen Zeppelin und anderes; Bitte um Freistellung von Fachkräften”, frames 5413–5434. See also BArch record group NS19/3917 (Persönlicher Stab, RFSS-Havelinstitut), which is only partially identical to the previous folder.

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Campbell, B.B. (2019). The Radio Hobby in the Service of National Socialism, 1935–1945. In: The Radio Hobby, Private Associations, and the Challenge of Modernity in Germany. Palgrave Studies in the History of Science and Technology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26534-2_6

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