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The Major Players in the Making of the Independence Constitution of Swaziland (Eswatini)

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A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960–1982

Part of the book series: African Histories and Modernities ((AHAM))

Abstract

In this chapter, the author looks at constitution-making in British Africa, discussing the main stakeholders that were expected to be the beneficiaries of the transfer of power after colonial rule. Eswatini’s geo-political location in the belly of apartheid South Africa and its settler colony status made the White settlers, who were the economic mainstay of the territory, important stakeholders who could not be circumvented. The Western-educated elite, otherwise referred to as Progressives, had subscribed to Nkrumah’s radical brand of nationalism and liberal democratic ideals. They stood out for immediate independence, multipartyism, Black majority rule and the nationalization of private property. The traditionalists, in the person of the Swazi monarch and his traditional Swazi National Council, manifested conservative credentials. They supported private property and White-settler economic interests. They clamoured for the political evolution of Swaziland under the monarchy, and enjoyed the support of the White Settlers and South Africa. Constitution-making turned out to be a clash of conflicting ideologies between the traditionalists and their White and South African allies versus the Progressives.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In Africa some of the prominent nationalists including N. Azikiwe, O. Awolowo, K. Nkrumah, J. Kenyatta, J. Nyerere, K. Kaunda, and A. Luthuli were educated elites without any royal connections (see C. Fyfe, ‘Africanus Horton as a Constitution-Maker’, Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 26, 2 [1988], 173–184; G. Arrighi and J. S. Saul, ‘Nationalism and Revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The Socialist Register, 6 [1969]; and C. Allen, ‘Understanding African Politics’, Review of African Political Economy, 22, 65 [1995], 301–320).

  2. 2.

    T. Lumumba-Kasongo, ‘The Origin of African Constitutions, Elusive Constitutionalism, and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy’, In Democratic Renewal in Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 63–96; B. Bujo, ‘Springboards for Modern African Constitutions and Development in African Cultural Traditions’, African Ethics: An Anthology of Comparative and Applied Ethics (2009), 391–411; and Y. Ghai, ‘Constitutions and Governance in Africa: A Prolegomenon’, In Law and Crisis in the Third World (London, Melbourne, Munich, and New Jersey: Hans Zell Publishers, 1993).

  3. 3.

    See for instance, G. O. Julian, ‘Modeling the State: Postcolonial Constitutions in Asia and Africa’, Southeast Asian Studies, 39, 4 (2002), 558–583; M. Duverger, ‘A New Political Model: Semi-Presidential Government’, European Journal of Political Research, 8, 2 (1980), 165–187; A. Liijphart (ed.), Parliamentary Versus Presidential Government (London: Oxford University Press, 1992); T. O. Elias, Nigeria: The Development of Its Laws and Constitutions (London: Stevenson & Sons Ltd., 1967); B. Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1973); K. Robinson, ‘Autochthony and the Transfer of Power’, In K. Robinson and F. Madden (eds.), Essays in Imperial Government: Presented to Margery Perham (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1963); M. G. De Winston, ‘Decolonisation and the Westminster Model’, In A. H. M. Kirk-Greene (ed.), Africa in the Colonial Period III: The Transfer of Power: The Colonial Administrators in the Age of Decolonisation (Oxford: Oxford University Inter-Faculty Committee for African Studies, 1979).

  4. 4.

    Yahia Mahmoud notes that concepts such as modernism, modernity, and modernisation are central to the concept of development studies. He argued that this often led to reductive representations of social realities ‘through dichotomized and hierarchised categories: modern vs. traditional, rational vs. irrational,…developed vs. underdeveloped….’ In the late 1960s modernisation revisionists criticised the modernisation approach on several key points. Amongst other things they argued that traditional institutions and attitudes were not necessarily hindrances to modernisation. British political modernisation in colonial Swaziland should be understood as the process of British introduction of new institutions, norms, and procedures of governance in contrast to the pre-colonial indigenous governance system (Y. Mahmoud, ‘Modernism in Africa’, Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism [2016]).

  5. 5.

    Constitutions of British colonial dependencies always needed to have final endorsement in a series of Lancaster House Conferences in the UK.

  6. 6.

    Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States, 27.

  7. 7.

    The common tendency among Africans was to negotiate for a strong executive at the expense of the other arms of the government (see Y. Ghai, ‘Constitutions and Governance in Africa: A Prolegomenon’, Law and Crisis in the Third World [London, Melbourne, Munich, and New Jersey: Hans Zell Publishers, 1993]; B. Ibhawoh, ‘Between Culture and Constitution: Evaluating the Cultural Legitimacy of Human Rights in the African State’, Human Rights Quarterly, 22, 3 [2000], 838–860; M. Crowder, ‘Whose Dream Was It Anyway? Twenty-Five Years of African Independence’, African Affairs, 86, 342 [1987], 7–24; M. Meredith, The Fate of Africa: A History of the Continent Since Independence [Hachette UK, 2011]; and V. T. Le Vine, ‘The Fall and Rise of Constitutionalism in West Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 35, 2 [1997], 181–206).

  8. 8.

    Constitutional developments in Ghana and Nigeria give us a clue to how comparatively fast these took place in the post Second World War era. In Ghana, the 1946 Burns constitution contained provisions for a Legislative and Executive Council and doubled African representations in these councils. A new constitution in 1951 gave the Executive Council a large majority of African Ministers and an Assembly dominated by Africans. But this was short of full self-government because executive powers still remained in British hands. In February 1951, the first elections were held for the Legislative Assembly under the new constitution and Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party won two-thirds of the majority of 104 seats and was invited to form a government as leader of Government Business, which was a quasi-Prime Minister. In 1952 self-government was introduced and the position of Prime Minister was created and the Executive Council became a cabinet. Nkrumah was duly elected Prime Minister in 1952 and in 1957 Ghana became independent. Nigeria also experimented with a succession of Constitutions starting comprising the Richards constitution in 1946, the MacPherson constitution (1951), the Lyteltton constitution (1954) under which power was progressively transferred to Africans leading to independence in 1960 (see F. M. Bourret [ed.], Ghana, the Road to Independence, 1919–1957, Vol. 23 [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1960]; B. O. Nwabueze, A Constitutional History of Nigeria [London: C. Hurst & Company, 1981]).

  9. 9.

    R. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, 1908–1948 (Africana Publication, 1972); W. M. H. B. Hailey, The Republic of South Africa and the High Commission Territories (London: Oxford University Press, 1963); and R. P. Stevens, Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland: The Former High Commission Territories in Southern Africa (London: Pall Mall, 1967).

  10. 10.

    R. P. Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1, 3 (1963), 327–350.

  11. 11.

    Zwane, ‘The Struggle for Power in Swaziland’, 4.

  12. 12.

    In British Africa, the British bequeathed the Westminster parliamentary system of government with a bicameral legislature.

  13. 13.

    G. O. Julian, ‘Modelling the State: Postcolonial Constitutions in Asia and Africa’, Southern African Studies, 39, 4 (2002), 558–560.

  14. 14.

    H. Kuper, ‘The Colonial Situation in Southern Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2, 2 (1964), 152.

  15. 15.

    For details on this situation see J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 90–113.

  16. 16.

    H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland, 26.

  17. 17.

    A. N. Boyce, ‘The Swaziland Concessions and Their Political Consequences 1876–1908’, PhD thesis, University of South Africa (1946), 17; J. S. M. Matsebula, A History of Swaziland (Johannesburg: Longman Southern Africa Ltd., 1972), 99–100.

  18. 18.

    Ibid.

  19. 19.

    Ibid.

  20. 20.

    Ibid.

  21. 21.

    J. Crush, ‘Landlords, Tenants and Colonial Social Engineers: The Farm Labour Question in Early Colonial Swaziland’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 2 (April 1985), 236.

  22. 22.

    Ibid.

  23. 23.

    Crush, ‘Settler-Estate Production’, 187; Matsebula, A History of Swaziland, 184.

  24. 24.

    Ibid.

  25. 25.

    J. Crush, ‘The Culture of Failure: Racism, Violence and White Farming in Colonial Swaziland’, Journal of Historical Geography, 22, 2 (1996), 177–197; M. Z. Booth, ‘Settler, Missionary, and the State: Contradictions in the Formulation of Educational Policy in Colonial Swaziland’, History of Education, 32, 1 (2003), 35–56.

  26. 26.

    SNA, RCS 613/21, Report of the First Meeting of the European Advisory Council, October 18–20, 1921; SNA, RCS 359/22, Suggested Deputation of the European Advisory Council to High Commissioner at Government House Cape Town, July, 21, 1922; and SNA, Colonial Annual Reports, 1923.

  27. 27.

    Ibid.

  28. 28.

    Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, 90–113; Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, 333.

  29. 29.

    Ibid.

  30. 30.

    Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, 333; J. Daniels, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6–7 (1981), 113; and J. S. Crush, ‘The Parameters of Dependence in Southern Africa: A Case Study of Swaziland’, Journal of Southern African Affairs, 4, 1 (1979), 56.

  31. 31.

    Zwane, ‘The Struggle for Power in Swaziland’, 4.

  32. 32.

    J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 90–113.

  33. 33.

    Macmillan, ‘Swaziland: Decolonisation and the Triumph of “Tradition”’, 661.

  34. 34.

    These labellings were common in the Times of Swaziland particularly from 1960 to 1963 when the constitutional debates were unfolding.

  35. 35.

    The western educated elite like Julius Nyerere, Hastang Banda, Kenneth Kaunda, Kwame Nkrumah among others, were at the forefront of nationalist movements and constitutional talks and not traditional rulers (J. S. Coleman, Nationalism and Development in Africa: Selected Essays [University of California Press, 1994]; E. Schmidt, ‘Anticolonial Nationalism in French West Africa: What Made Guinea Unique?’ African Studies Review, 52, 2 [2009], 1–34; T. Falola, Nationalism and African Intellectuals [University Rochester Press, 2001]; and R. Okonkwo, Heroes of West African Nationalism [Enugu: Delta, 1985], 35).

  36. 36.

    For more on the hereditary status of King Sobhuza II see H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (London: Africana Publication, 1978).

  37. 37.

    For more on the traditional rituals of the Swazi monarchy as an instrument of legitimacy see P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, History of the Human Sciences, 13, 4 (2000), 25–47; R. Levin, ‘Swaziland’s Tinkhundla and the Myth of Swazi Tradition’, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 10, 2 (1991), 1–23; H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland; and H. Kuper, An African Aristocracy: Rank Among Swazi (London: Oxford University Press, 1980).

  38. 38.

    This is a typical quality among African traditional rulers. See J. Middleton and D. Tait, Tribes Without Rulers: Studies in African Segmentary Systems (London: Routledge, 2013); P. Skalník, ‘Authority Versus Power: Democracy in Africa, Must Include Original African Institutions’, The Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 28, 37–38 (1996), 109–121.

  39. 39.

    H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (Africana Publication, 1978); W. J. Breytenbach, ‘Sobhuza’s Government: Old or New?’ Africa Insight, 9, 2 (1979), 72–75.

  40. 40.

    In a country like Nigeria and Cameroon, for instance, there are over 200 and 250 ethnic groups respectively (F. Gbenga, ‘Ethnicity in Nigeria’, Philosophia Africana, 11, 2 [2008], 141–156; F. A. Salamone, ‘Ethnicity and Nigeria Since the End of the Civil War’, Dialectical Anthropology, 22, 3–4 [1997], 303–333; and C. C. Fonchingong, ‘Exploring the Politics of Identity and Ethnicity in State Reconstruction in Cameroon’, Social Identities, 11, 4 [2005], 363–380).

  41. 41.

    Ethnologists eulogised centralized polities in contrast to segmentary or acephalous societies (see, for instance, P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, History of the Human Sciences, 13, 4 [2000], 25–47; S. N. Eisenstadt, ‘Primitive Political Systems: A Preliminary Comparative Analysis’, American Anthropologist, 61, 2 [1959], 200–220; and M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard [eds.], African Political Systems [London: Oxford University Press, 1950]).

  42. 42.

    H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (Africana Publication, 1978); H. Kuper, The Swazi: A South African Kingdom (Holt Rinehart & Winston, 1986); and P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, History of the Human Sciences, 13, 4 (2000), 25–47.

  43. 43.

    Ethnologists eulogised centralised polities in contrast to segmentary or acephalous societies (see, for instance, P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, History of the Human Sciences, 13, 4 [2000], 25–47; S. N. Eisenstadt, ‘Primitive Political Systems: A Preliminary Comparative Analysis’, American Anthropologist, 61, 2 [1959], 200–220; and M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard [eds.], African Political Systems [London: Oxford University Press, 1950]).

  44. 44.

    H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (Africana Publication, 1978); W. J. Breytenbach, ‘Sobhuza’s Government: Old or New?’ Africa Insight, 9, 2 (1979), 72–75.

  45. 45.

    See K. Matthews, ‘Squatters on Private Tenure Farms in Swaziland: A Preliminary Investigation’, In M. Neocosmos (ed.), Social Relations in Rural Swaziland: Critical Analyses (Social Science Research Unit, University of Swaziland, 1987); H. S. Simelane, ‘The State, Landlords, and the Squatter Problem in Post-colonial Swaziland’, Canadian Journal of African Studies/La Revue canadienne des études africaines, 36, 2 (2002), 329–354. It should be noted that the other high Commission territories, Basutoland and Bechuanaland, did not suffer a similar fate like Swaziland. The British restricted the European ownership of land and recognized and protected the vital interests of Africans (see H. Kuper, ‘The Colonial Situation in Southern Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2, 2 [1964], 149–150).

  46. 46.

    J. R. Ayee, ‘A Note on the Machinery of Government During the King Sobhuza II Era in Swaziland’, Institute of African Studies Research Review, 5, 1 (1989), 54–68; H. Kuper, King Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (Africana Publication, 1978); H. Kuper, The Swazi: A South African Kingdom (Holt Rinehart & Winston, 1986); and P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, History of the Human Sciences, 13, 4 (2000), 25–47.

  47. 47.

    Macmillan, ‘Swaziland: Decolonisation and the Triumph of “Tradition”’, 643–666; J. Gerring, D. Ziblatt, J. Van Gorp, and J. Arevalo, ‘An Institutional Theory of Direct and Indirect Rule’, World Politics, 63, 3 (2011), 377–433.

  48. 48.

    P. Cocks, ‘The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the Vision of Culture and Change in Africa’, 25–47; J. B. Mzizi, ‘The Dominance of the Swazi Monarchy and the Moral Dynamics of Democratisation of the Swazi State’, Journal of African Elections, 3, 1 (2004), 94.

  49. 49.

    M. Macmillan, ‘Swaziland: Decolonisation and the Triumph of “Tradition”’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 4 (1985), 648.

  50. 50.

    C. Saunders, ‘Pixley Seme: Towards a Biography’, South African Historical Journal, 25, 1 (1991), 196–217.

  51. 51.

    Macmillan, ‘Swaziland: Decolonisation and the Triumph of “Tradition”’, 648.

  52. 52.

    Saunders, ‘Pixley Seme: Towards a Biography’, 196–217.

  53. 53.

    P. H. Bischoff, ‘Why Swaziland Is Different: An Explanation of the Kingdom’s Political Position in Southern Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 26, 3 (1988), 457–471.

  54. 54.

    Ibid. These invectives were commonly used by the SNC during the 2961 elections.

  55. 55.

    J. Daniel and J. Vilane, ‘Swaziland: Political Crisis, Regional Dilemma’, Review of African Political Economy, 13, 35 (1986), 54–67; C. P. Potholm, Swaziland: The Dynamics of Political Modernization, Vol. 8 (University of California Press, 1972), 2, 72–73.

  56. 56.

    For more on the idea of popular sovereignty see S. Chambers, ‘Democracy, Popular Sovereignty, and Constitutional Legitimacy’, Constellations, 11, 2 (2004), 153–173; R. Falk and A. Strauss, ‘On the Creation of a Global Peoples Assembly: Legitimacy and the Power of Popular Sovereignty’, Stanford Journal of International Law, 36 (2000), 191; F. M. Deng (ed.), Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in Africa (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1996); M. Mamdani, ‘The Social Basis of Constitutionalism in Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 28, 3 (1990), 359–374; and D. Strang, ‘From Dependency to Sovereignty: An Event History Analysis of Decolonization 1870–1987’, American Sociological Review (1990), 846–860.

  57. 57.

    The brainchild of the Africa for Africans slogan was Marcus Garvey and his United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in the 1920s. For more on Nkrumah’s political ideology see G. Shepperson, ‘Notes on Negro American Influences on the Emergence of African Nationalism’, The Journal of African History, 1, 2 (1960), 299–312; K. Nkrumah, Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare: A Guide to the Armed Phase of the African Revolution, Vol. 17 (New York: International Publishers, 1969); K. Nkrumah, Towards Colonial Freedom (London: Heinemann, 1962); K. Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1965); K. Nkrumah, R. Arrigoni, and G. Napolitano, Africa Must Unite (London: Heinemann, 1963); and K. Nkrumah, Class Struggle in Africa (New York: International Publishers, 1970).

  58. 58.

    Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, 338.

  59. 59.

    SNA, Swaziland’s Report on the Constitution.

  60. 60.

    Ibid.

  61. 61.

    Ibid.

  62. 62.

    Nascent nationalist parties had the tendency of breaking up into factions under different names. In Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe African People’s Union split into two and the Zimbabwe African National Union was formed. See A. S. Mlambo, A History of Zimbabwe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 147; In Botswana, the Bechuanaland People’s party broke into factions in 1964. The splinter party was called the Bechuanaland Independence Party. See R. Nengwekhulu, ‘Some Findings on the Origins of Political Parties in Botswana’, Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, 1, 2 (1979), 71–72.

  63. 63.

    ‘British Government Knows Our View-Nquku’, Izwi Lama Swazi, January 19, 1963.

  64. 64.

    SNA, Swaziland Government Big Bend Strike Report 1963: A Report of the Commission Appointed to Inquire into the Causes and Circumstances of the Strike which took place in Big Bend area during March 1963, 10.

  65. 65.

    J. B. Mzizi, Political Movements and the Challenges for Democracy in Swaziland, Research Report No. 18 (Johannesburg, EISA, 2005); D. Motsamai, Swaziland’s Non-Party Political System and the 2013 Tinkhundla Elections Breaking the SADC Impasse? Institute for Security Studies Situation Report (Pretoria, August 15, 2012).

  66. 66.

    Ibid.

  67. 67.

    ‘Todd’s Thoughts on Constitutional Proposals’, The Times of Swaziland, March 23, 1962.

  68. 68.

    Ibid.

  69. 69.

    R. B. Beck, The History of South Africa (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2014), 144–146; D. H. Houghton, The Tomlinson Report: A Summary of the Findings and Recommendations in the Tomlinson Commission Report (South African Institute of Race Relations, 1956).

  70. 70.

    Ibid. These Bantustans included Ciskei and Transkei for the Xhosa, and one for each of the other ethnic groups (The Venda, Shangana/Tonga, South Ndebele, North Ndebele, North Sotho, South Sotho, Tswana, Swazi and Zulu).

  71. 71.

    Beck, The History of South Africa, 144–145.

  72. 72.

    Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, 343–344.

  73. 73.

    Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, 343–344.

  74. 74.

    H. Kuper, ‘The Colonial Situation in Southern Africa’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 2, 2 (1964), 149–164.

  75. 75.

    There is some popular discussion in Swaziland after the demise of apartheid that the Swazi monarchy did assist the ANC in the liberation of South Africa. Such reconstruction of history in the present does not give a full picture of Swaziland’s real relationship with South Africa during the liberation years which is captured in Chapter 4, footnote 58.

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    Hlengiwe Portia Dlamini

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Dlamini, H.P. (2019). The Major Players in the Making of the Independence Constitution of Swaziland (Eswatini). In: A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960–1982. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24777-5_2

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