Abstract
This chapter looks at the evolution of the Turkish party system by introducing the Lipset-Rokkan’s cleavage structure and updating it for the contemporary Turkish context. The chapter analyses cleavages that characterise the Turkish political system that consisted of the centre-periphery, left-right, secularist-Islamist, Turkish-Kurdish, as well as sub-cleavages. It describes the background of these cleavages and how they have translated into political parties since the establishment of the Republic. It also demonstrates how ethnic and identity claims became apparent at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In line with dynamic cleavages, the chapter also provides clues on how the Islamic-rooted Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, JDP) managed to capitalise on different cleavages through a policy agenda that in turn helped Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to gain a foothold in 2002.
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Notes
- 1.
I am using Turkish acronyms throughout (such as Republican People’s Party, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) except in the case of JDP, which is the English abbreviation for the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi. I would use the JDP as the English abbreviation as it is the official acronym on the book title. While the use of the JDP is as clear as the AKP, for other party names, the use of English acronyms becomes complex as different party names could take the same acronym in English.
- 2.
Parsons created his paradigm in the 1950s in order to identify the societal functions, that every society must be able to sustain stable social life (Tribe 2007, p. 222). He argues that without four value patterns, individual actors’ behaviour would be directionless. These patterns consist of universal dichotomies that represent the basic choices underlying social interaction:
universalism versus particularism: actors relate to each other on the basis of general criteria or criteria unique or specific to the individuals concerned;
performance versus quality: actors relate to each other on the basis of criteria of performance or ‘achievement’ or criteria of some form of endowment of ‘ascription’;
specificity versus diffuseness: actors relate to others for a specific, restricted purpose or in a general or holistic manner;
affective neutrality versus affectivity: actors relate to each other in a detached or instrumental fashion or with the engagement of affect and emotion. (Parsons 1991, p. 71)
- 3.
According to functionalism, society is a system of interconnected parts that work together in harmony to maintain a state of balance and social equilibrium for the whole (Mooney et al. 2007).
- 4.
For instance, Caramani illustrates her view with reference to Scottish National Party (SNP) in the United Kingdom, Bloc Québécois (BQ) in Canada, and the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party, PNV) in Spain (Caramani 2007, p. 321).
- 5.
- 6.
The goal was to create a nation-state around homogeneous identity. Kurdish-populated towns, Georgian-origins towns, and former Greek towns changed their names to Turkish names (Bali 1998).
- 7.
The Sheikh Said Rebellion was the first large-scale rebellion after the foundation of the Republic. It occurred in the Eastern provinces. Scholars debate whether this rebellion was a Kurdish nationalist movement or a religious revolt. For further discussion on the debate, please see Olson (1989) and Özoğlu (2009).
- 8.
Section 2.3 on secularist-Islamist cleavage describes this second attempt in a deeper way, as the case refers mainly to the concerns of the religious peripheral groups and their attack on secular norms and practices.
- 9.
Turkey joined NATO in 1952 (Sever 1997, p. 99).
- 10.
When the results of the elections of the following decade (1950–1960) are considered, the presence of a predominantly two-party system is observed since the third parties did not attain sufficient power to exert influence on the legislative or electoral developments (Sayarı 2002, p. 11). Therefore, it is more reasonable to name this decade a two-party system period.
- 11.
In Turkey, Turkish, Kurdish, and also Arab aşirets exist.
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
According to Parla and Davison (2004), Kemalism is “the name given to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s and his party’s political thought and practice and the persistently official and semi-official, hegemonic ideology of the Turkish Republic.”
- 15.
Workers’ movements in Turkey date back to the late Ottoman era, but the single-party regime severely marginalised them.
- 16.
The CHP got 36.7 per cent whereas the AP gained 34.8 per cent of the total votes.
- 17.
The second Republic was the period that started after the 1960 military interventions and finished as a result of the military intervention of 1980 (Zürcher 2008, p. 351).
- 18.
The MGK comprised 38 top officers and their leader was the General Cemal Gürsel. They were responsible for the intervention. It functioned as the governing body until the elections of 1961 (Çavdar 2008, p. 85).
- 19.
Increase in the number of parties:
1961: AP (Adalet Partisi, Justice Party) (158 MPs); CHP (173 MPs); CKMP (Cumhuriyetçi Köylü Millet Partisi, Republican Peasants’ Nation Party) (54 MPs); and YTP (Yeni Türkiye Partisi, New Turkey Party) (65 MPs) (Çavdar 2008, p. 114)
1965: AP (240 MPs); CHP (134 MPs); CKMP (11 MPs); MP (Millet Partisi, Nation Party) (31 MPs); TİP (Türkiye İşçi Partisi, Turkey’s Workers’ Party) (14 MPs); YTP (19 deputies); and independent deputies (1 MP) (Çavdar 2008, p. 152)
1969: AP (256 MPs); CHP (143 MPs); BP (Birlik Partisi, Unity Party) (8 MPs); CGP (Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi, Republican Reliance Party) (15 MPs); MP (6 MPs); MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, Nationalist Movement Party) (1 MP); TİP (2 MPs); YTP (6 MPs); and independent MPs (3 MPs) (Çavdar 2008, p. 160)
- 20.
The Milli Görüş was the ideological stance of the MSP. It was developed by groups that advocated for independence from the West and a focus on economic development with a moral emphasis referring to Islam (Mert 2007, p. 108).
- 21.
Alevi: Alevi belief combines Anatolian folk Shi’ism with Sufi elements of the Bektaşi sect. They represent 15–20 per cent of Turkey’s population. The Alevi cemaat is ethnically diverse: Turkish, 8–9 million; Kurdish, 2–3 million; and Zaza Alevi-Dersimli, 1 million.
- 22.
The programme included amnesty for those who had previously been found guilty of political offences, which included members of both the intelligentsia and the working class (Ahmad 1993, p. 163).
- 23.
These began with security forces firing on crowds during the Labour Day celebrations on 1 May 1977. The event led to the death of 34 peoples. Few people had any doubts that this massacre orchestrated by the Counter Guerrilla had been aided and abetted by state forces (Ahmad 1993, p. 169).
- 24.
The two communities were divided from each other throughout Turkish history. But the state has mainly committed atrocities against Alevis. As the Alevis assumed a politically left stance, they became the new target of the right-extreme wing, which consisted largely of Sunni members (Çavdar 2008, pp. 249–250; Zürcher 2008, pp. 380–381).
- 25.
A group of conservative scholars (Aydınlar Ocağı/Intellectuals’ Hearth) initiated the Turkish-Islam synthesis. The main idea was an attempt to reconcile left-right conflict with Turkish nationalism blended with Islamic values (Ümmetçilik-Milliyetçilik) (Rabasa and Larrabee 2008).
- 26.
All political activities were prohibited, and university staff and students accused of having been involved in such activities were expelled and/or detained. The universities were brought under the control of YÖK (Yükseköğretim Kurulu—Council of Higher Education), as established in the framework of the 1982 Constitution (Freely 2012, p. 57; Zürcher 2008, p. 403).
- 27.
The technocrat minister who was in charge of economy in the military government was also the progenitor of the neoliberal economy programme, approved on 24 January 1980. This programme became decisive in the establishment of a neoliberal economy in Turkey.
- 28.
The military had allegedly acted in line with its traditional mandate to intervene in case of a likely threat to the secular Unitarian Turkish state as in the previous intervention of 1960 and 1971 (Yavuz 2005, p. 94). In 1983 it retreated, claiming that military leaders had never aspired to hold civil power (Kongar 2011, p. 330). It seems likely that external pressures and exigencies from NATO allies and other European nations also influenced this decision, accelerating the return to civil government. Indeed, the duration of Turkish military government was shorter than long-term military governments in Latin American nations. For instance, Argentina: 1966–1973 and 1976–1983.
- 29.
For more details related to the impact of economic liberalisation on the SMEs, please see Demir et al. (2004).
- 30.
Özaslan 2005, p. 122
- 31.
- 32.
The so-called election economy of 1987, that is, excessive public sector spending on infrastructure projects and services such as transportation, power, telecommunications, and highways to appeal to the country’s voters, in part accounted for an increase in inflation. On the other hand, the influx of foreign credits that had first boosted imports, investments, and the economy had later on given rise to a large external debt stock; repayments of credits and their interests also constrained the economy; and an increase in inflation rates reflected this (Zürcher 2008, p. 412; Yenal 2010, pp. 134–141).
For a detailed analysis of the Motherland Party and Economic Legacy of Özal, please see Öniş (2004).
- 33.
The ex-leader of the CHP, Bülent Ecevit, established the DSP as the new political party (indeed, Bülent Ecevit’s wife established the DSP, as the ban on the leadership of Bülent Ecevit was lifted until 1989; Çavdar 2008, p. 278). The CHP was established in 1992 (Bilâ 2008, pp. 329–330). The SHP dissolved in 1995 and party members participated in the CHP, whereas the DSP did not merge with the CHP.
- 34.
As Almond (1956) describes, parties that emerged on the basis of the state-church divide are common in the party systems in the Continental Europe, and many parties that deliberately indicate their religious background in their names. See, for example, the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union of Germany, CDU) in Germany, Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democracy, DC) in Italy, Christen Democratisch Appèl (Christian Democratic Appeal, CDA), and Christen Unie (Christian Union, CU) in Holland (Parties and Elections in Europe 2012).
- 35.
History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 1939. However, the CHP’s state party character changed in the 1970s with its adoption of social democratic stance.
- 36.
The profane (i.e. anything that is non-consecrated, impure, and not concerned with religious purposes) and the sacred (all that is worthy of respect, reverence, and related to religious purposes).
- 37.
The Sheikh Said insurgency involved both ethnic and religious claims from the secularist Turkish nation-state. However, its call for the caliphate restoration appeared to outweigh its Kurdish side. Therefore, I analysed the insurgency in relation to the secularist-Islamist cleavage. Nonetheless, Kurdish elements were an element of it. For further discussion, please consult Özoğlu (2009).
- 38.
In Turkey, the important Alevi groups are the Turkish and Kurdish speakers. The latter is divided into speakers of Kurdish proper and of related Zaza. Hence, Alevi Zazas are the Alevis of Kurdish Zaza speakers and they are the ones who mainly participated in the 1925 rebellion.
- 39.
After the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925, the first Ağrı rebellion in 1926 and the second Ağrı rebellion in 1927 followed. Both were uprisings of Kurds in Eastern Turkey (Baban 1970, s. 47).
- 40.
- 41.
Adil düzen: The “Just Order” programme was the state-centred Islamic project which intended to establish a powerful state and extensive welfare programme (Yavuz 2003, p. 24 and p. 221).
- 42.
Adil: just; egalitarian.
- 43.
Temiz: clean.
- 44.
A FP deputy wore an Islamic headscarf during the swearing-in ceremony after 1999 elections. The constitutional court considered this act as a violation clause of the constitution.
- 45.
The Capital Markets Board of Turkey is the financial regulatory and supervisory agency of Turkey.
- 46.
The liberal intellectuals played an important role in the formation of a new political party. On the other hand, the Türk Sanayicileri ve İş İnsanları Derneği (the Turkish Industry and Business Association, TÜSİAD), played a background role (Uzgel 2009, p. 27).
- 47.
There were sub-cleavages and other dynamics in society; this book focuses on those that commanded successful voting blocs because these cleavages are relevant to the rise of the JDP. Further research might address other cleavages and their role in Turkish politics and society beyond electoral results.
- 48.
The Kurdish movement of the 1970s had three important periods: the preparatory period (1971–1974), the mental preparation period (1975–1977), and the radicalisation period (1978–1980).
- 49.
In the 1960s and 1970s, many parties and associations (including underground ones) were established in order to address the needs of Turkey’s Kurdish population. These include the Türkiye Kürdistan Demokrat Partisi (Turkey Kurdistan Democratic Party, TKDP), the Kürdistan Ulusal Kurtuluşçuları (National Liberators of Kurdistan, KUK), the Türkiye Kürdistan Sosyalist Partisi (Turkey Kurdistan Socialist Party, TKSP), the Devrimci Demokratik Kültür Derneği (Revolutionary Democratic Cultural Associations, DDKD), Kürdistan İşçi Partisi (Kurdistan Workers’ Party, PKK)/Apocular (Pro-Apo), the Rızgarî (Kurtuluş) (Independence), the Ala Rızgarî (Kurtuluş Bayrağı) (Independence’s Flag), the 8 Kawa, the Dengê Kawa (Kawa’nın Sesi), and the Têkoşîn (Mücadele) (Gunter 2009; Akkaya 2013).
This book will focus on political parties that gained representation in the parliament.
- 50.
For a detailed analysis of 1990s Kurdish political parties, please consult Watts (1999).
- 51.
Van, Tunceli, Şırnak, Muş, Mardin, Kars, Iğdır, Ağrı, Batman, Bitlis, Diyarbakır, and Hakkari.
- 52.
Lipset and Rokkan developed the land-industry cleavage in order to highlight the emergence of voting blocs as a result of the Industrial Revolution. However, this cleavage did not exactly complete in Turkey. Therefore, Turkish dynamics reflected a cleavage between big urban conglomerates and SMEs.
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Bermek, S. (2019). Turkish Party System Through Volatile Social and Political Cleavages. In: The Rise of Hybrid Political Islam in Turkey. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14203-2_2
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