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Theoretical Extensions: Unbundling Authoritarian Institutions and Their Changes under Xi Jinping

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Abstract

This chapter provides an analytic narrative to help us understand both theoretically and empirically the authoritarian institutional changes Xi Jinping has brought to the Chinese regime. Theoretically, the chapter develops a framework for unbundling the authoritarian institutions—power-sharing and co-opting institutions—and understanding their interactions. Its theoretical predictions are then examined through narratives on Xi’s institutional endeavors to tame the growth curse and marshal social support for the regime through co-optation. In a broader sense, the findings also tell the students of comparative authoritarianism how authoritarian regimes evolve. Combining both analyses on Xi’s restructuring of China’s elite politics and the new initiative in social co-optation completes my depiction of the institutional trajectory Xi’s political maneuvering has taken.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    A clip of Susan Shirk’s talk is available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G9ZHD-BXJus (Accessed July 31, 2016).

  2. 2.

    The trade-off is, of course, that the model will become less general. That said, this is a necessary step for deriving more meaningful results for explaining authoritarian politics and, arguably, the dual-risk framework adopted in this chapter is general enough to cover almost all authoritarian regimes.

  3. 3.

    It should be noted here that an incumbent ruler can represent a single person or a group of ruling elites.

  4. 4.

    While both the dictator and political elites derive little utility from public goods economically, they have profound political significance since they matter much more to the disenfranchised and therefore the stability of the regime. This is why the function is increasing in \( {g}_t. \) The political significance of \( {g}_t \) and its modifier \( {\lambda}_t \) will be made clear soon afterwards.

  5. 5.

    While we don’t necessarily have to exclude the possibility that \( {k}_t^I={k}_t^L. \)

  6. 6.

    The stabilizing effect of authoritarian institutions is one of the main results in the literature.

  7. 7.

    For simplicity, it is assumed that there is no depreciation in the first-period institutional stock.

  8. 8.

    The chapter allows the value of \( {\omega}_t \) to vary across different periods. That is, the regime strength won’t necessarily stay the same over time.

  9. 9.

    As in Boix and Svolik (2013), the challenger is assumed to be a non-strategic actor.

  10. 10.

    It should be noted here that the higher the value of \( {\omega}^t, \) the weaker the regime becomes.

  11. 11.

    This result is based on \( {f}_t^E=0. \) This is because now that the confusion over the real state is gone, the dictator’s allies will only rebel when the dictator pays them zero transfer without a proper reason.

  12. 12.

    Since the two groups have different power-sharing capacities, this formulation takes into account the possibility of a power transition between them.

  13. 13.

    It has been argued previously in the chapter that, in order to focus on institutional interactions, the model here is nested in a larger game and is also located on the equilibrium path for institutionalization.

  14. 14.

    The result is derived by differentiating Eq. (8.20) with respect to \( {m}_t \) under two different scenarios, high revolutionary threat (zero transfers) and low revolutionary threat (zero public goods spending).

  15. 15.

    The result is derived by differentiating Eqs. (8.18) and (8.19) with respect to \( {\chi}_t \) under two different scenarios, high revolutionary threat (zero transfers) and low revolutionary threat (zero public goods spending).

  16. 16.

    That is, the 13th National People’s Congress and Political Consultative Meeting.

  17. 17.

    In fact, when the book was about to be wrapped up, there were indeed signs of setback for Xi’s personalist political campaign (“China dials down Xi’s personality cult as criticism mounts.” Nikkei Asian Review, July 24, 2018, available at: https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/China-dials-down-Xi-s-personality-cult-as-criticism-mounts, Accessed July 25, 2018). Since this goes beyond the scope of this book, and the whole episode didn’t seem to be over at the time when the book was about to be published, I chose not to write on these post-19th-Party-Congress developments when the jury was still out. That said, the models presented in this book will still be able to shed light onto them and provide an explanation if Chinese politics does return to the old track of collective leadership in the future.

  18. 18.

    A few days after the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, a party cadre from the General Office of the Communist Party of China, Deng Maosheng, openly commented on October 31, 2016 that the age rule was no more than “pure folklore” (“Will Xi Bend Retirement ‘Rule’ to Keep Top Officials in Power?” Bloomberg. [https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-10-31/china-official-says-party-has-no-set-retirement-age-for-leaders. Accessed March 13, 2018.]). What Deng tried to imply by his remark was that, while the rule seemed to have been strictly observed for two decades, it didn’t enjoy any legal status and therefore could be ignored. As will be made clear shortly, although Xi didn’t break the age rule by allowing Wang Qishan to continue to stay on the Politburo’s standing committee, he did something even more destructive to the power-sharing institutions.

  19. 19.

    Gates (2014) gives an example that, during his visit to China in January 2010, Hu was obviously unaware of the military’s decision to roll out China’s stealth J-20 fighter jets at almost the same time.

  20. 20.

    The script of the press conference is available at: http://www.china.org.cn/china/NPC_CPPCC_2012/2012-03/14/content_24891030.htm, Accessed June 10, 2018.

  21. 21.

    The CLGCDR was later upgraded from a “leading group” to a “commission” in February 2018.

  22. 22.

    Despite disagreements over economic policies with Xi, Li had been in general quite cooperative during Xi’s first term. This was probably the reason for Li to retain the premiership as Xi began his second term.

  23. 23.

    The full name is “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.”

  24. 24.

    The others include Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Three Represents (Jiang Zemin), and the Scientific Outlook on Development (Hu Jintao). All of them, including Xi Jinping Thought, are also enshrined in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.

  25. 25.

    Of course, there is no denying the importance of this kind of research. See Francois et al. (2016) for interesting findings along these lines.

  26. 26.

    The concept was proposed by Xi in November 2013 during the CPC’s Third Plenary Session. Source: “A ‘Pledge’ of Party Discipline and Anti-Corruption Campaign.” (Dangfeng Lianzheng Jianshe de “Junlingzhuang”) People’s Daily Overseas Edition. Accessed June 19, 2017. Available at http://paper.people.com.cn/rmrbhwb/html/2017-06/19/content_1783706.htm (Accessed May 19, 2018).

  27. 27.

    These new regulations include (1) “The Regulations on Inspections” and “Provisions on Advancing Capacity to Promote and Demote Leading Cadres” (passed in June 2015 by the Politburo meeting); (2) “The Code of Honesty and Self-discipline” and “The Regulation on the CPC Disciplines” (passed in October 2015 by the Politburo); and (3) “New Guidelines for Political Life within the Party” and “The Ordinance for the Intra-Party Supervision (Provisional)” (adopted in October 2016 in the Sixth Plenary Session).

  28. 28.

    Initially, the policy started in late 2016 from a pilot program in Beijing, Shanxi, and Zhejiang.

  29. 29.

    “Strengthening Program for Deepening Party and State Institutional Reform” (Shenghua Dang he Guojia Jigou Gaige Fangan).

  30. 30.

    This is the phrase quoted verbatim from an internal speech given by Ding Xuexiang, the Director of the Party’s General Office, on January 26, 2018. The script of Ding’s entire speech was later published in a party-affiliated magazine available online at: http://www.zzdjw.org.cn/n1/2018/0211/c153945-29818949.html (Accessed March 13, 2018). For the first time, the rumors about coup attempts were officially confirmed by someone close to Xi.

  31. 31.

    “Wang Qishan still attending top Communist Party meetings and in line for China’s vice-presidency.” https://www.scmp.com/news/china/policies-politics/article/2122382/wang-qishan-still-attending-top-communist-party (Accessed May 15, 2018) South China Morning Post Friday, December 1, 2017.

  32. 32.

    One thing I would like to clarify here is that, while the power-sharing institutions are also hierarchical (and this is why an implicit payment in the form of promotion promise is possible), they are different from the social co-opting ones in that what is granted by the dictator in the latter is simply “benefit,” instead of “power.”

  33. 33.

    Especially, when most members are simply self-serving opportunists, their effects can be quite the opposite. See Truex (2016) for an interesting recent study on how it pays to be a member of the People’s Congress.

  34. 34.

    DZs are often confused with “party organizations” (Dangzuzhi). While they only differ by one Chinese character in their names, their relations to the CPC and their functions are very different. According to Yan (2015), first, the former only exist in non-party organizations and do not formally represent the party, while the latter are themselves local branches or representatives of the CPC. Moreover, the members of a DZ in a given organization have to be those who not only assume the leadership positions in this organization, but also have become CPC party members. A DZ can be created in an organization if there are more than three members who meet this criterion. Being leading members of this organization, DZ members are mainly assigned the task to make sure their organizations have toed the party line. In other words, from the CPC’s perspective, DZs mainly play a supporting role in helping it govern non-party organizations without the party’s direct involvement. For the reasons listed above, DZ is of course also very different from other similar-sounding concepts such as “party committee” (Dangwei) and “party working committee” (Danggongwei).

  35. 35.

    This acronym was creatively coined in Didi K. Tatlow’s article in the New York Times, “For NGOs in China, a Sense of Party Creep,” http://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/06/03/for-ngos-in-china-a-sense-of-party-creep/ (Accessed July 07, 2015).

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Correspondence to Hans H. Tung .

Appendix: Derivations and Proofs

Appendix: Derivations and Proofs

1.1 Proof for Lemma 8.1.1

The result in Lemma 8.1.1 is directly adopted from Boix and Svolik (2013). The following proof is provided to clarify the relationship between the result and the global games approach.

To prove that Eq. (8.6) is a Bayesian Nash equilibrium, we now introduce a global coordination game between two political elites. Suppose now there are two allies who try to decide independently if they should accept the offer from the challenger and rebel, or stay with the dictator. However, while both of them might be equally interested, as we have argued above, the dictator’s allies face great uncertainties in the payoffs and therefore they don’t necessarily share the same perceptions of the payoff structure. As a result, the nature of the issue at hand implies that the standard coordination game with complete information (about the payoffs) does not apply here. To incorporate the feature of uncertain payoffs, we specify the payoff structure for both allies in the following way (for simplicity, the subscript \( t \) is removed here):

Table 8.1 Payoff structure for a rebellion

where \( {f}^C \) is the counter-offer made by the challenger. Given the payoff structure in Table 8.1, there could be three sets of equilibrium scenarios as shown in Fig. 8.5.

Fig. 8.5
figure 5

Two-sided limit dominance

There are two ranges of values for \( \omega {f}^C \) in which unique dominant strategies exist. When \( \omega {f}^C<0 \), (Not Rebel, Not Rebel) is the unique dominant strategy. On the contrary, (Rebel, Rebel) becomes the unique dominant strategy when \( \omega {f}^C>1 \). What is worth noting here is that, in the language of global games, the structure of equilibria in Fig. 8.5 exhibits the two-sided limit dominance, and this property is sometimes replaced by its variant, the one-sided limit dominance, in some applications. Specifically, as Bueno de Mesquita (2010) argues in his analysis of revolutionary entrepreneurs, there is no value of \( \omega {f}^C \) that can make joining a revolution a dominant strategy. In other words, in the world of revolution, there is no situation in which an actor would want to participate in a revolution no matter what decisions other players make, while there could be a range of values for \( \omega {f}^C \) that make inaction a unique dominant strategy. This is why the limit dominance has only “one side.” While this chapter also deals with contentious politics, we stick to the convention in the global games literature with a game structure exhibiting two-sided limit dominance. The main justification is that the barrier for a coup to take place is far lower than that for a revolution, and therefore, when the benefit from joining a rebellion is high enough (taking into account the cost of failing), one would take initiative regardless of whatever action the other player might take. When \( 0<\omega {f}^C<1 \), however, the game of Table 8.1 becomes a standard coordination game that has multiple equilibria (i.e., (Not Rebel, Not Rebel) and (Rebel, Rebel)). This is the case where the global games approach can help us find an equilibrium.

When both players decide to rebel, they both receive the payoff of \( \omega {f}^C, \) which is not directly observable to both of them since the regime strength is opaque. While players do not directly observe \( \omega, \) they receive private signals about it:

$$ {x}^i=\omega +{\varepsilon}^i\kern1.75em i=1,2 $$
(8.28)

where \( \varepsilon \sim \mathcal{N}\left(0,\kern0.5em {\sigma}^2\right) \). Ally \( i \) holds an improper prior that \( \omega \) is uniformly distributed on the real line. We can therefore compute player \( i \)’s posterior belief about \( \omega \) after she receives the private signal, \( \omega \mid {x}^i\sim \mathcal{N}\left({x}^i,\kern0.5em {\sigma}^2\right) \). We can then figure out player \( i \)’s higher-order beliefs–that is, her belief about the other player’s belief about \( \omega, \) the other player’s belief about hers, and so on. Player \( i \)’s higher-order belief about player \( j \)’s private signal given hers is simply \( {x}^j\mid {x}^i\sim \mathcal{N}\left({x}^j,2{\sigma}^2\right) \).

Now suppose that player \( i \) who receives a private signal \( {x}_i \) believes that player \( j \) uses a switching strategy around \( {x}^i, \)

$$ s(x)=\Big\{{\displaystyle \begin{array}{ll}\mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ {x}^i>{x}_t^{\ast}\\ {}\mathbf{Not}\ \mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ {x}^i\le {x}_t^{\ast}\end{array}} $$
(8.29)

Since we have derived the distribution of \( \left({x}_j|{x}_i\right) \) above, we know that the probability for player \( j \) not to rebel is \( \mathit{\Pr}\left({x}_j\le k\right)=\varPhi \left(\frac{k-{x}_1}{\sqrt{2}\sigma}\right). \)

We then proceed to compute the expected payoffs for an elite \( i \) given her own private signal and another elite \( j \)’s choices. Elite \( i \)’s expected payoff of “Rebel” is

$$ {\displaystyle \begin{array}{c}E{U}_i\left[\mathbf{Rebel}|{x}_i,\kern0.5em {s}_j\right]=E\left[\theta Pr\left({x}_j>k\right)+\left(\theta -1\right)\mathit{\Pr}\left({x}_j\le k\right)\right]\\ {}={x}_i-\varPhi \left(\frac{k-{x}_i}{\sqrt{2}\sigma}\right).\end{array}} $$
(8.30)

Her expected payoff of “Not Rebel” is as follows:

$$ E{U}_i\left[\mathbf{Not}\ \mathbf{Rebel}|{x}_i,{s}_j\right]=E\left[0\mathit{\Pr}\left({x}_j>k\right)+0\mathit{\Pr}\left({x}_j\le k\right)\right]=0 $$
(8.31)

Now since we have obtained player \( i \)’s expected payoffs for both actions given \( j \)’s choices, we are able to write \( i \)’s best responses as follows:

$$ \Big\{{\displaystyle \begin{array}{ll}\mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ x-\varPhi \left(\frac{k-x}{\sqrt{2}\sigma}\right)>0\\ {}\mathbf{Not}\ \mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ x-\varPhi \left(\frac{k-x}{\sqrt{2}\sigma}\right)\le 0\end{array}} $$
(8.32)

\( x-\varPhi \left(\frac{k-x}{\sqrt{2}\sigma}\right) \) is strictly increasing in \( x. \) This implies that we can solve for a unique solution of \( x \) when this term is set to zero. With two unknowns (\( x \) and \( k \)) in this equation, the solution \( x \) will be a function \( k \) and is denoted by \( b(k). \)

We can then write player \( i \)’s best response as follows:

$$ \Big\{{\displaystyle \begin{array}{ll}\mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ x>b(k)\\ {}\mathbf{Not}\ \mathbf{Rebel}& \mathbf{if}\ x\le b(k)\end{array}} $$
(8.33)

In other words, a best response to a switching strategy around \( k \) is equivalent to a switching strategy around \( b(k). \) The key idea here is to derive an expression for player \( i \)’s best response to the switching strategy played by the other player. Based on the distributional assumption, the derivation above gives us player \( i \)’s best response as a solution to his payoff function conditioned on the other’s actions.

1.2 A More General Case for the Public Goods Provision

For a more general case,

$$ {g}_t=\Big\{{\displaystyle \begin{array}{l}\begin{array}{ll}\varOmega +{\chi}_t\left[\frac{\sum_Jy\left({\kappa}_t^J\right)}{2}\right]-{m}_t& \mathbf{if}\ {\lambda}_t{H}_g\left(\varOmega +{\chi}_t\left[\frac{\sum_Jy\left({\kappa}_t^J\right)}{2}\right]-{m}_t\right)\ge 2\left(1-\beta \right)\\ {}0& \mathbf{if}\ {\lambda}_t{H}_g(0)<2\left(1-b\right)\\ {}g\left({\lambda}_t,2\left(1-b\right)\right)& \mathbf{otherwise}\end{array}\\ {}\end{array}} $$
(8.34)

The \( 2\left(1-b\right) \) in the interior solution is obtained by setting the first-order condition Eq. (8.15) to zero and is the marginal value of public goods modified by \( {\lambda}_t. \) When \( {H}_g\left({g}_t\right)=1, \) both corner solutions have exhausted all possible values \( {g}_t \) can take.

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Tung, H.H. (2019). Theoretical Extensions: Unbundling Authoritarian Institutions and Their Changes under Xi Jinping. In: Economic Growth and Endogenous Authoritarian Institutions in Post-Reform China. Politics and Development of Contemporary China. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04828-0_8

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