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TTIP negotiations: interest groups, anti-TTIP civil society campaigns and public opinion

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Journal of Transatlantic Studies Aims and scope

Abstract

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) was intended to create jobs and boost the economies on both sides of the Atlantic. However, constituency support was difficult to garnish, and negotiations were frozen in late 2016, leaving their conclusion in doubt. What led to this stage? Why has an agreement been elusive? Using an array of indicators this paper argues that a major reason was the extensive and professionally structured public mobilisation campaign conducted by European civil society organisations. This shifted public opinion across Europe, which in turn impacted policy. Our research contributes to the literatures on trade, lobbying, and transatlantic relations, with relevance beyond TTIP. The paper discusses how generalised and diffused interests and public opinion are impacting an area of public policy (trade) traditionally influenced predominantly by lobbying from narrowly focused interests.

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Notes

  1. Brussels Briefing on Trade, November 12, at https://doi.org/www.borderlex.eu/eutradeinsights/ malmstrom-ttip-to-remain-in-a-freezer-for-quite-some-time/; November 17, 2016, Trade News Analysis, https://doi.org/twitter.com/TradeNewsCentre/status/799312181670055938.

  2. Opposition campaigns and protests have been conspicuously absent from the EU-Japan negotiations on a free trade agreement, which commenced six months prior to TTIP, and other negotiations, such as between the EU and Vietnam negotiations, which concluded in 2016.

  3. See, for example, James Q. Wilson, The Politics of Regulation (New York: Basic Books, 1980).

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  4. For example, Gabriel Felbermayr et al. ‘Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): Who benefits from a free trade deal?’ Global Economic Dynamics Paper, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung (2013)

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  6. Final Report High Level Working Groupon Jobs and Growth (February 11, 2013), https://doi.org/trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2013/february/tradoc_150519.pdf

  7. This paper focuses on the European side of CSO activities. Though there has been plenty of transatlantic cooperation and coordination among TTIP opposition groups — with American CSOs advising their European peers on issues such as Investor-State Dispute Settlements (ISDS), co-authoring letters to legislators, and coordinating protests — American groups focused primarily on TPP in 2015 and 2016. Some American CSOs also supported European efforts to stop TTIP, as revealed in author interviews with representatives in Washington, DC, January 2017.

  8. As applied here CSOs include what Berry 1999 in Andreas Dür and Gemma Mateo, Insiders versus Outsiders: Interest Group Politics in Multilevel Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016) call citizen groups, or public interest groups, and are focused on animal welfare, consumer interests, public health and environmental causes, and international development. Labour unions spoke favourably of TTIP even before its formal launch, recognising the favourable labour standards in the EU, and the largest American labour union, AFL/CIO, privately expressed hopes that TTIP could help improve labour standards in the US (Interview, Washington, DC, October 2012).

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  9. Space limitations prevent a deep discussion but it is necessary to highlight that opponents to TTIP can largely be divided into two camps. The reformers would accept an agreement with the US if, in their view, there were substantial revisions to proposals, including enhanced guarantees on protecting human and plant health, higher safety standards, and curtailment of what they deem corporate power. Reformers include CSOs such as the European Consumer Organization (BEUC). Labour unions, which have always been active on trade, are also reformists, though with more unacceptable ‘red lines’; they are seen as closer to the rejectionist camp (with groups such as Attac, Corporate Observatory, and War on Want, all part of the StopTTIP! Alliance, all with previous experience opposing globalisation, capitalism and trade). This group opposes an agreement under any circumstance, premised on arguments that modern trade policies are the manifestation of globalisation and neo-liberalism which exploits ordinary people. Though the two camps are joined in a cause and cooperate on protests, they differ slightly in their approaches. Reformists tend to engage in insider lobbying, public debates with trade supporters, and peaceful street protests; they also use a less confrontational social media campaign than rejectionists. For example, Giovanni Gortanutti, ‘The Influence of Trade Unions and Social Movements on EU Trade Policy’, Paper presented at EU Trade Policy at the Crossroads: between Economic Liberalism and Democratic Challenges, Österreichische Forschungsstiftung für internationale Entwicklungspolitik, February 4–6, 2016.

  10. For example, Anke Tresch and Manuel Fischer, ‘In Search of Political Influence: Strategic Choices and Media Coverage of Political Parties, Interest Groups and Social Movements in Western European Countries’, International Political Science Review 36, no. 4 (2015): 355–72

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  14. Interview, Brussels, May 2016. Though the Commission’s January 13, 2015 press release was strategically worded to balance recognition of opposition with a determination to find a compromise to ensure ISDS or ICS is included in a final agreement.

  15. Interview, Brussels, May 2015.

  16. The focus in this paper is the effects of the campaign, not the accuracy and validity of opponents’ arguments, which are separate issues addressed elsewhere, see Patrica Garcia-Duran and Leif Johan Eliasson, ‘The Public Debate over TTIP and Its Underlying Assumptions’, Journal of World Trade 51, no. 1 (2017): 23–42.

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  17. Trade has traditionally, with few exceptions, been spared large-scale public mobilisation and engagement, and instead been influenced mostly by insider lobbying from narrowly focused interests.

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  40. Interview, CSO representative, Brussels, May 2016. As one representative noted, ‘we exaggerate claims in order to generate publicity’

  41. Cf. BEUC, 2014. Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) issues had previous public exposure dating back to the 1997 EU ban on diluted chlorine washes for poultry and the 1998 World Trade Organization (WTO) row over the compatibility of EU SPS regulations with WTO rules, cf. Isis Sien, ‘Beefing up the Hormones Dispute: Problems in Compliance and Viable Compromise Alternatives’, The Georgetown Law Review 95, no. 2 (2007): 566–90. The longstanding debate over Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) in Europe, where GMOs are widely opposed, and the 2016 EU Directive on GMOs (widely considered unworkable), have also helped keep food safety in the public realm.

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  67. Ibid.

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  69. There were other observable developments resulting from interest group access. The erection of a TTIP advisory group in February 2014, the implementation of stakeholder presentations and debriefings during the week-long negotiation rounds beginning with the fourth round (held February 2014). While negotiators publicly state they learned much from these exercises, stakeholders were disappointed ‘while a good idea and [we were] initially enthusiastic we realized little came from it’, and business organisations largely ceased attending after six rounds, with one explaining ‘we found it not useful after a few rounds.’ Interviews, Brussels, May, 2016.

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  72. While in general more searches tended to be conducted in Germany than in any other of the selected member states, the tendency in all six cases was towards an increase in searches during this period. Graphs available upon request, but they closely track Google searches.

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  76. National parliaments, and six regional Belgian parliaments, had to approve CETA after the Commission decided for political reasons (CSO protests and growing public opposition) to propose ratification as a ‘mixed agreement’ (shared EU and national competencies).

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  86. The exchanges between MEPs in EPP, who approved of the resolution and were eager to vote, and the Socialist and Social Democratic group, were intense, even harsh, right up to the announcement of postponement, as observed by one of the authors.

  87. Some research indicates that the receptivity to campaigns about how TTIP threatens food and public services (among other issues) is likely enhanced because of increased scepticism towards globalisation and neoliberalism generally, as well as scepticism of America. One scholar found that especially people who reject the globalisation process and oppose the EU also oppose TTIP. See Nils Steiner (2016) ‘Public Support for TTIP in EU Countries: The Correlates of Trade Policy Preferences in a Salient Case’ January 20, 2016, https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2718984. The problem with these findings is that support for the EU has remained steady as support for TTIP has fallen. Since support for trade generally has also remained high, Stein’s study lends support for our research showing that framing by anti-TTIP campaigns is effective.

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  1. Department of Political science and Economics, East Stroudsburg University, East Stroudsburg, PA, USA

    Leif Johan Eliasson

  2. Department of Economic History, Institutions, Political and World Economy, University of Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain

    Patricia Garcia-Duran Huet

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Eliasson, L.J., Huet, P.GD. TTIP negotiations: interest groups, anti-TTIP civil society campaigns and public opinion. J Transatl Stud 16, 101–116 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2018.1450069

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