The Technology Gap in Transatlantic Relations: A Cause of Tension or a Tool of Cooperation?

Military evidence for this statement can be found in the NATO mission in Afghanistan, while a political commitment in this sense was made at the Riga summit of November 2006. For a forceful analysis of the benefits of an expanded NATO see Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Goldgeier, “Global NATO”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 5, September/October 2006, pp. 105–109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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A simple classification of conflicts along the level of violence and the probability of occurrence is the spectrum-of-conflict model. For a concise description see Sam J. Tangredi, “Assessing New Missions”, in Hans Binnendijk (ed.), Transforming American Military (Washington DC: National Defense University Press, 2002), pp. 9–12.Google Scholar

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Finally, a clear commitment in this sense was expressed by former NATO Secre tary General Lord Robertson, “A More Capable and Balanced Alliance”, NATO Review, Spring-Summer 2000, p. 3.Google Scholar

The main goal of this study, therefore, is to develop a policy-prescriptive argument. For a case in favour of the theoretical value of such an approach see Stephen Van Evera, Guide to Methods for Students in Political Science (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 91–93.Google Scholar

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See, for instance, David S. Yost, “The NATO Capabilities Gap and the European Union”, Survival, Vol. 42, No. 4, Winter 2000–2001, p. 98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Indeed, the earliest studies on the technology gap date back to the 1960s. However, at that time the problem did not arouse great academic interest. Quite the contrary, it remained almost exclusive competence of NATO policy-makers. Moreover, since the most substantial technological advances took place in the last quarter of the Century, the initial contributions now appear quite obsolete. See, for example, Richard R. Nelson, The Technology Gap: Analysis and Appraisal (Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, 1967).Google Scholar

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The American Defense Satellite Communication System’s unit cost is about $200 million, but the more recent Military Strategic and Tactical Relay System costs up to $800 million per satellite. The cost problem of space assets is further witnessed by the debates on funding and burden sharing surrounding the Galileo Project. Judy Dempsey, “Funding Breakdown Throws Galileo Satellite Project off Course”, International Herald Tribune, 10 May, 2007, available at http://www.iht.com/articles/2OO7/O5/O91sports/galileo.php.

Gordon Adams, Guy Ben-Ari, John Logsdon and Ray Williamson, “Bridging the Gap. European C⁴ISR Capabilities and Transatlantic Interoperability”, Defense and Technology Paper No. 5, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, National Defense University, Washington DC, 2004, pp. 128–141.Google Scholar

We will not focus our attention here on the sheer disparity in defence expenditures (lines 1 to 3 of table 1), as they are evidently an indicator of the broader capabilities gap, and say nothing about the technological dimension.Google Scholar

NATO’s data on military expenditure in personnel are indicative: in 2005 the US spent $ 147,844 Bln. (at 2003 prices), while the same figure for NATO Europe was a conspic uous $ 118,309 Bln. Considering that the American military budget is more than twice as large as the European one, the share of resources allocated to personnel in Europe is more than 50% higher than in the US. Source: SIPRI Yearbook 2006, p. 357. Data avail able at.Google Scholar

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A prima facie distinction is usually made between cruise and ballistic munitions and according to the targeting device (most frequently laser- or GPS-guided).Google Scholar

The projected JDAM inventory alone is 240.000 units. Source: http://www.af.mil/factsheets/factsheet.asp?fsID=108).

The Franco-British Storm Shadow/SCALP EG was delivered to the RAF only in early 2003; Germany has ordered 600 Taurus KEPD 350, which officially entered into service on December 21st, 2005. France also invested in short-range JDAM-class AASSM, whose first operational test was successfully conducted on December, 1st, 2006. Source: http://www.defense-update.com/.

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It is worth noting that some of the promises of the RMA, especially those embodied by airpower enthusiasts, were not met in subsequent conflicts, such as Operation Iraqi Freedom. While reliance on fixed-wing aircraft was justified, helicopters turned out to be a much easier target for enemy forces. As a result, the argument here is valid only with a narrow definition of airpower. I am indebted to one of the anonymous referees of JTS for focusing my attention on this point.Google Scholar

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The allies entirely relied on the American EC-130 Airborne Battlefield Command, Control and Communication (ABCCC).Google Scholar

The figures published by different Departments of Defense and think tanks are not completely concordant; however, even in the most optimistic estimates, the European contribution is barely higher than 10%. John E. Peters, Stuart E. Johnson, Nora Bensahel, Timothy Liston and Traci Williams, European Contributions to Operation Allied Force. Implications for Transatlantic Cooperation (Santa Monica: RAND, 2001), pp. 33–34.Google Scholar

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The idea that alliances can be used to bind allies rather than oppose enemies was first explored by Paul Shroeder, “Alliances, 1815-1945: Weapons of Power and Tools of Management”, in Klaus Knorr (ed.). Historical Dimensions of National Security Problems (Lawrence, University Press of Kansas, 1976), pp. 227–262.Google Scholar

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Arguing that Europe should not bother creating expeditionary forces is not saying that European states should not do it. To a certain extent, all European states have some capability of this sort. Actually, the United Kingdom and France are already well equipped for expeditionary warfare. The point is that, while a handful of EU countries might find it a reasonable goal, for most of them it would be an exceedingly ambitious target.Google Scholar

Needless to say, the most similar scenario would be an operation like Allied Force.Google Scholar

As William Wallace correctly noted, even before the terrorist threat, “Neither [the US or Europe] can handle the problems of Russia on its own, or those of the unstable Mediter ranean, Caucasus, and greater Middle East. […] The rising tide of asylum-seekers and smuggled migrants washes up on both American and European shores. Transnational organized crime, drug smuggling, and money laundering threaten public order on both sides of the Atlantic-problems best met through a coordinated response. Scientific advances, feeding into commercially exploitable form, pose ethical dilemmas in the marketplace that require an open transatlantic debate. The world’s two largest integrated economies need to monitor shifts in the global economic balance and work together to smooth out the bumps”. William Wallace, “Europe, The Necessary Partner”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 80, No. 3, May/June 2001, p. 34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

See on this point the NATO- and EU-led initiatives, such as the European Capability Action Plan (2001), the NATO Prague Capabilities Commitment (2002), the so-called Headline Goals 2010, the European Defence Agency (2004) and the EU Battlegroups (2004).Google Scholar

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A few authors suggested that the US should also do more to ease technology transfer to the allies. This would certainly be beneficial, but still it is less a solution than a placebo. See on the point Adams et al., “Bridging the Gap. European C4ISR Capabilities and Transatlantic Interoperability”, pp. 155–161.Google Scholar

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David Gompert and Uwe Nerlich also call for interoperable C⁴ISR, in-theatre mobility and logistics, and advanced tactical strikes. See David Gompert and Uwe Nerlich, Shoulder to Shoulder. The Road to U.S.-European Military Cooperability, RAND Europe, 2002, p. 46. As concerns C4ISR, as noted by Adams et al., this dimension is not so problematic. In fact, the investments made in the past are just starting to pay off, so there is no need to make it a priority. G. Adams et al., “Bridging the Gap. European C4ISR Capabilities and Transatlantic Interoperability”, pp. 142–145. Similarly, in terms of in-theatre mobility and logistics, Europe is not lagging far behind the US. Finally, advanced tactical strikes may be improved through the procurement of inexpensive J-DAMS, but the actual relevance of long-range stand-off munitions for Europe is still debated.Google Scholar