Advertisement

Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 13, Issue 2, pp 204–225 | Cite as

The vitriolic blood of a Negro: the development of racial identity and Creole elitism in New Spain and Spanish Louisiana, 1763–1803

  • Andrew N. WegmannEmail author
Article

Abstract

This paper shows that the introduction of concepts of whiteness, purity of blood and legitimacy of kin under the Spanish caused a transformation within the New Orleans coloured community. As generations of mixed-race men and women emerged from interracial families established during the late French Period, Spanish social and legal practices permeated the New Orleans cultural landscape. Suddenly, new ideas of racial science, mixture and definition appeared in law, gradually affecting social intercourse. The ambiguous awareness of mulâtres and nègres under the French gave way to a regimented taxonomy of ‘races’ and ‘hybrids’ developed over more than a century in Latin America and the Caribbean and manifested in the social and racial identities of the New Orleans mixed-race community.

Keywords

race Casta Louisiana Creole New Spain identity 

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    1801 Militia Rosters, May 1, 1801, folio 358, roll 160-A, Papeles Procedentes de la Isla de Cuba, Archivo General de Indias (herafter PC-AGI), Hill Memorial Library, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana (hereafter LSU-HM).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    See Soulié Family Ledgers, October 30 and December 21, 1844; September 20, 1845, Historic New Orleans Collection (hereafter HNOC), New Orleans, LA. Also, Octave de Armas, Notary, Book 61, #161, 1853, New Orleans Notarial Archive (hereafter NONA), New Orleans, LA.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Joseph died intestate in 1868 with an estate worth an estimated $17,000, including inheritance from his father and mother, nine slaves, and some property brought to the marriage from his wife, Josepha Rodriguez, a quadroon of Spanish descent and native of New Orleans. In 1861, Jean Louis claimed $15,959, including two slaves, and four lots in the faubourg Marigny. See ‘Inventory of the Estate of Joseph Dolliole,’ Succession of Joseph Dolliole, fils, March 31, 1868, #32,582, Second District Court, NOPL; ‘Inventory’, September 18, 1849, Succession of Joseph Valcour Dolliole, f.m.c, 1854, #8126, Second District Court, New Orleans Public Library, Louisiana Collection (hereafter NOPL), New Orleans, LA; and ‘Inventory of the Estate of Jean Louis Dolliole,’ Succession of Jean Louis Dolliole, March 4, 1861, #17,714, Second District Court, NOPL; and 1840 Manuscript Census, NOPL.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    Emily Clark notes that a ‘Jean Doliole’, who, if one traces the records, is clearly Jean Louis Dolliole, witnessed 10 weddings between 1812 and 1818 alone. Some, but not all, of these weddings were of fellow militiamen. Joseph Dolliole witnessed at least four marriages between 1810 and 1830, including both of his brother’s weddings. See Marriage of Joseph Beaulieu and Josepha Jalío, April 24, 1811; Marriage of Juan Castelan and Juana Nivet, November 22, 1811; Marriage of François Boisdoré and Marie Joseph Sophie Olivier, June 3, 1828; and among others, Louis Découdreaux and Rose Fillier, April 4, 1830, Libro Primero de Matrimonios de Negros y Mulatos de la Parroquia de Sn. Luis de la Nueva Orleans, 1777–1830 (hereafter ‘Libro Primero’), Archive of the Archdiocese of New Orleans (hereafter AANO).Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Succession of Jean Louis Dolliole, March 4, 1861, #17,714, Second District Court, NOPL; and Succession of Joseph Dolliole, fils, March 31,1868, #32,582, Second District Court, NOPL.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    1793 Militia Roster, November 6–7, 1793, folio 286–301, roll 159-B; and 1801 Militia Rosters, May 1, 1801, folio 347–363, roll 160-A, PC-AGI, LSU-HM.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    The best, most concise treatment of Latin American racial taxonomy is Magnus Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company, 1967), 57–9.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    See Lawrence N. Powell, The Accidental City: Improvising New Orleans (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), Chapts. 5 and 7; Mörner, Race Mixture, 53–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  9. 8a.
    Jennifer M. Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order in Early New Orleans (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 129–37; andGoogle Scholar
  10. 8b.
    Guillaume Aubert, ‘“The Blood of France”: Race and Purity of Blood in the French Atlantic World’, William and Mary Quarterly 61, no. 3 (July, 2004): 467–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  11. 9.
    Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The Development of Afro-Creole Culture in the Eighteenth-century (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1992), 277–86Google Scholar
  12. 9a.
    Thomas N. Ingersoll, ‘The Slave Trade and the Ethnic Diversity of Louisiana’s Slave Community’, Louisiana History 37, no. 2 (Spring, 1996): 139–50Google Scholar
  13. 9b.
    Lacy K. Ford, Deliver Us from Evil: The Slavery Question in the Old South (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009), 102–5; and Powell, Accidental City, 262–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  14. 10.
    Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana, 279; and Powell, Accidental City, 262–3.Google Scholar
  15. 11.
    For the Enlightenment theories of ‘corruption’ and ‘degeneration’, see Pierre Barrère, Dissertation sur la cause physique de la couleur des nègres, de la qualité de leurs cheveux, et de la degeneration de l’un et de l’autre [Essay on the physical cause of the color of the negroes, the quality of their hair, and the degeneration of the one and the other] (Paris: P. G. Simon, 1741), n.p.; Sidney N. Klaus, ‘A History of the Science of Pigmentation’, in The Pigmentary System: Physiology and Pathophysiology, ed. James L. Nordlund (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1998), 7–8Google Scholar
  16. 11a.
    Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, ‘A Natural History, General and Particular’, in Race and the Enlightenment: A Reader, ed. Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1997), 15–29; andGoogle Scholar
  17. 11b.
    Andrew S. Curran, The Anatomy of Blackness: Science & Slavery in an Age of Enlightenment (Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 120–4.Google Scholar
  18. 12.
    For statistics on manumissions in the late Spanish Period, see Kimberly S. Hanger, Bounded Lives, Bounded Places: Free Black Society in Colonial New Orleans, 1769–1803 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997), 223. According to Hanger, of the 1825 emancipated slaves for whom a racial designation was given, 54% were morenos (fully African), 37% pardos (one-half African, one-half European), 6% curatéron (one-fourth African, three-fourths European), and 3% grifo (three-fourths African, one-fourth European). See figure 1.3 on p. 29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  19. 13.
    ‘Pedro de León Portocarrero’s Description of Líma, Peru’, in Colonial Latin America: A Documentary History, ed. Kenneth Mills, William B. Taylor, and Sandra Lauderdale Graham (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), 186.Google Scholar
  20. 14.
    The census data no longer survives in manuscript form, but the definitions of each racial category can be found in Englishman Thomas Gage’s 1677 travel narrative. See Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies; or, the English American, His Travels by Sea and Land (London: A. Clark, 1677), 86–7. Also quoted in Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 204.Google Scholar
  21. 15.
    Mörner, Race Mixture, 54; Spear, Sex, Race, and Social Order, 158; and, among others, Carrera, Imagining Identity, 36–8.Google Scholar
  22. 16.
    Ronald J. Morgan, Spanish America Saints and the Rhetoric of Identity, 1600–1810 (Tempe: The University of Arizona Press, 2003), 130–2; andGoogle Scholar
  23. 16a.
    Robert McCaa, ‘Calidad, Class, and Marriage in Colonial Mexico: The Case of Parral, 1788–1790’, The Hispanic American Historical Review 64, no. 3 (1984): 477–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. 17.
    These four calidads, or castes based on blood ‘quality’, appear in almost every colonial Casta System. As mentioned above, Espagñoles possessed pure European, though usually Spanish, blood, with little or no mixture. The term castizo represented the group of people with one-quarter Indian blood, the lowest measurable percentage in most systems. The mestizo possessed one-half Indian blood. And the Indio sat at the bottom of nearly every system, possessing pure Indian blood. On these calidads, see Mörner, Race Mixture, 54; Spear, Sex, Race, and Social Order, 158; Carrera, Imagining Identity, 36–8; and, among others, McCaa, ‘Calidad, Class, and Marriage’, 476–80.Google Scholar
  25. 18.
    See Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies, 186–9; and Forbes, African and Native Americans, 204. On Argentina, see Ruth Hill, Hierarchy, Commerce, and Fraud in Bourbon Spanish America: A Postal Inspector’s Exposé (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2005), 123–5, 210.Google Scholar
  26. 19.
    Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 130–2; Carrera, Imagining Identity, 12–13; and Debra J. Rosenthal, Race Mixture in Nineteenth Century U.S. & Spanish American Fictions: Gender, Culture, and Nation Building (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 93–9.Google Scholar
  27. 20.
    Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies, 86–9.Google Scholar
  28. 21.
    Ibid., 20–3, 203–7, 322.Google Scholar
  29. 22.
    See Barrère, Dissertation sur la cause physique de la couleur des nègres; Buffon, ‘A Natural History’, 15–29; and Curran, Anatomy of Blackness, 120–2.Google Scholar
  30. 23.
    Manuel de Faria y Sousa, Lusiadas de Luís de Camoens Comentadas por Contienen lo más de la Principal de la Historia y Geografía de Mundo, Principalmente de España [Lusiadas de Luis de Camoen’s comments mainly containing the history and geography of the world, especially Spain] (Madrid: Sanchez, 1639), 503–4. Also quoted, in shorter form, in Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 132.Google Scholar
  31. 24.
    See entry for ‘mulatto’ in the Oxford English Dictionary, and Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 133–4.Google Scholar
  32. 25.
    Benito Feijoo, ‘Color etiópico’, in Obras Escogidas del Padre Fray Benito Jerónimo Feijoo y Montenegro [Selected works of father Fray Benito Jéronimo Feijoo y Montenegro], ed. and trans., Don Adolfo Castro (Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra, 1863), 474–9. Similar sections also cited in Carrera, Imagining Identity, 10–12; andGoogle Scholar
  33. 25a.
    A. Owen Aldridge, ‘Feijoo and the Problem of Ethiopian Color’, in Racism in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Harold E. Pagliaro (Cleveland, OH: The Press of the Case Western Reserve University, 1973), 265–77.Google Scholar
  34. 26.
    The ‘Bourbon Reforms’, as a wider movement, is well studied and well represented in current literature. See Jay Kinsbruner, The Colonial Spanish-American City: Urban Life in the Age of Atlantic Capitalism, (Austion: The University of Texas Press, 2005), 99–106; Carrera, Imagining Identity, 10–12, 32–4Google Scholar
  35. 26a.
    Ann Twinam, Public Lives, Private Secrets: Gender, Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), 17–20Google Scholar
  36. 26b.
    R. Douglas Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), 24–5; andGoogle Scholar
  37. 26c.
    Patrick J. Carroll, Blacks of Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity, and Regional Development (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001), 120–5.Google Scholar
  38. 27.
    Mörner, Race Mixture, 54–5; Leslie B. Rout, Jr., The African Experience in Spanish America, 1502 to the Present day (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976), xiv–v, 80–3; andGoogle Scholar
  39. 27a.
    Herman L. Bennett, Colonial Blackness: A History of Afro-Mexico (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 185–5, 214–6.Google Scholar
  40. 28.
    Pedro Alonso O’Crouley, A Description of the Kingdom of New Spain, trans. Sean Galvin (San Francisco, CA: John Howell Books, 1972), 20–5. Also cited in Carrera, Imagining Identity, 13–14.Google Scholar
  41. 29.
    The concept of hypo-descent was made famous by the ‘One-Drop Rule’ in the antebellum and Jim Crow-era American South. The notion held that ‘black’ blood was so strong that a single drop of it in the bloodstream nullified the genetic effects of all other ancestries, save external appearance, which increased in lightness in tandem with the amount of white blood in the body. This is how Jim Crow laws and antebellum restrictions on free people of colour justified the enforcement of colour-based legislation at the fringes of the colour line. See Neil Gotanda, ‘A Critique of “Our Constitution is Color-Blind”’, in Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement, ed. Kimberle Crenshaw (New York, NY: The New Press, 1995), 258–62Google Scholar
  42. 29a.
    Barbara L. Voss, The Archaeology of Ethnogenesis: Race and Sexuality in Colonial San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 85–8; andGoogle Scholar
  43. 29b.
    Joshua A. Singh and Gayle Y. Iwamasa, ‘Biracial’, in Encyclopedia of Multicultural Psychology, ed. Yo Jackson (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2006), 72–6.Google Scholar
  44. 30.
    On ‘intracolonial colonialism’, see Joanna Poblete, ‘Multitasking Mediators: Intracolonial Leadership in Filipino and Puerto Rican Communities in Hawai’i’, in Transnational Crossroads: Remapping the Americas and the Pacific, ed. Camilla Fojas and Rudy P. Guevarra, Jr. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012), 294–9.Google Scholar
  45. 31.
    See, among others, Rout, The African Experience, 128–9.Google Scholar
  46. 32.
    See Ibid., xv; Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 311; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 28–33.Google Scholar
  47. 33.
    There are many definitions of pardo floating around, most of which provide a similar definition to that which appears in the text. However, Ann Twinam, in Public Lives, Private Secrets, defines the term as the exact opposite of the consensus. In her glossary, Twinam defines a pardo as a ‘dark-skinned person’. In turn, she defines moreno as the opposite — a ‘person who is racially mixed; mulatto’. Because there are no notes for the section, it is unclear how she came across these definitions.Google Scholar
  48. 34.
    See Mörner, Race Mixture, 58–9; Carrera, Imagining Identity, 65–6; Rout, The African Experience, 129; and Forbes, Africans and Native Americans, 122–3.Google Scholar
  49. 35.
    That year, the Crown passed a series of reforms called the doctrinas de indios, meant specifically for the American colonies. Among these was a slight reform in the Casta System, in which he added the albino category, and infused many of the new Enlightenment theories into the racial order. On the doctrina de indios, see Kenneth J. Andrien, ‘The Coming of Enlightened Reform in Bourbon Peru: Secularization of the Doctrinas de indios, 1746–1773’, in Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and Its Atlantic Colonies, c.1750–1830, ed. Gabriel Paquette (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 190–3.Google Scholar
  50. 36.
    See Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis, Venus physique. Première parties. Contenant une dissertation sur l’origine des hommes et des animaux [Physical venus. Part one. Containing an essay on the origin of men and animals] (Lyon: Jean-Marie Bruyset, 1746), 141–2. Also cited in Curran, Anatomy of Blackness, 94.Google Scholar
  51. 37.
    See Curran, Anatomy of Blackness, 86–95, for a brilliant, detailed discussion of the albino in Enlightenment thought.Google Scholar
  52. 38.
    See Recensement general de la ville de la Nlle. Orléans, 1732, Bibliothèque et Archives Canada, https://doi.org/collectionscanada.gc.ca/ (accessed January 15, 2013); Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 261–4; and The Census Tables for the French Colony of Louisiana from 1699 to 1732 (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical, 1972), 133–47.
  53. 39.
    Raphael, n.l. vs. Cadot, May 9–10, 1724, Records of the Superior Council (hereafter RSC), in Louisiana Historical Quarterly (hereafter LHQ), 238-42; and Raphael, n.l. vs. Dumanoir, July 26, September 20, 1724, RSC, in LHQ, 242; ‘Contract of Scipion and Simon, nègres libres, and Jean La Croix’, July 17, 1731, #1739031003, RSC; and Sue Peabody, ‘There Are No Slaves in France’: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996), 60–1.Google Scholar
  54. 40.
    See Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 63–5; and Recensement general de la ville de la Nlle. Orléans, 1732, Bibliothèque et Archives Canada.Google Scholar
  55. 41.
    See ‘Registre des Mariages pour la Colonie de la Louisiane, 1718–1763’, Vol. I-IV, NOPL.Google Scholar
  56. 42.
    The one exception to this is Argentina. Still today, Argentina maintains a majority Spanish population, with just 3% of the total population mixed-race, or ‘non-white’. See Peter Kingstone, The Political Economy of Latin America: Reflections of Neoliberalism and Development (New York, NY: Routledge, 2011), 9–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  57. 43.
    The mulâtre population of New Orleans increased from seven individuals in 1732 to 61 individuals in 1763. Although these early censuses provide only a rough estimate, nearly every scholar in the field have used them, and recognise them as the best indication we have of the New Orleans population. See Shannon Lee Dawdy, Building the Devil’s Empire: French Colonial New Orleans (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2008), 178–9, 292 n. 93; Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 94–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  58. 43a.
    Sophie White, Wild Frenchmen and Frenchified Indians: Material Culture and Race in Colonial Louisiana (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 36Google Scholar
  59. 43b.
    Caryn Cossé Bell, Revolution, Romanticism, and the Afro-Creole Protest Tradition in Louisiana, 1718–1868 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997), 11; and, among others, Hanger, Bounded Lives, Bounded Places, 22–3, 184 n. 11.Google Scholar
  60. 44.
    See Hilliard d’Auberteuil, Considerations sur l’étate present de la colonie française de St. Domingue [Considerations on the present state of the French colony of St. Domingue], 2 vols. (Paris: Grangé, 1776–1777), 2: 73; Feijoo, ‘Color etiópico’, 474–9; and O’Crouley, Description of the Kingdom of New Spain, 20–5.Google Scholar
  61. 45.
    Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 100–1.Google Scholar
  62. 46.
    Ibid.; and Virginia R. Domínguez, White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986), 23–4.Google Scholar
  63. 47.
    Moreau L. Lislet and Henry Carleton, eds. and trans., The Laws of Las Siete Partidas Which Are Still in Force in the State of Louisiana, Vol. 1 (New Orleans, LA: James McKaraher, 1820), 589–91. Also seeGoogle Scholar
  64. 47a.
    H. E. Sterkx, The Free Negro in Ante-Bellum Louisiana (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1972), 36–7.Google Scholar
  65. 48.
    Lislet and Carleton, Laws of Las Siete Partidas, I: 589–90.Google Scholar
  66. 49.
    ‘Petición de Juan León de Olivera’, March 7, 1801, #349, Vol. 3, Petitions, letters, and decrees of the Cabildo, 1770–1803 (hereafter PLDC), NOPL. Also referenced in Gilbert C. Din, Spaniards, Planters, and Slaves: The Spanish Regulation of Slavery in Louisiana, 1763–1803 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999), 234.Google Scholar
  67. 50.
    ‘Registry for Baptisms of Negro esclavo and mulatos’, 1771–1783, SR-SLC; ‘Marriages of Negros and Mulattos’, 1777–1830, SR-SLC. The origin of the term tierceron is unclear. Derived from the French tierce, meaning ‘third’, and the Latin suffix — oon, meaning ‘small’, ‘diminutive’ or ‘derived from’, the term likely refers to a person of one-third African blood. This would require one cuarterón parent and one mulato parent. The term itself appears just twice in any record. See ‘Baptism of Marie Françoise and Jean Pierre Cuillon,’ #48 and 49, Book 23, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  68. 51.
    Emily Clark, The Strange History of the American Quadroon: Free Women of Color in the Revolutionary Atlantic World (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 77–8; and ‘Pragmática Sanción para evitar el abuso de contraer matrimonios desiguales, El Pardo, March 23, 1776’, in Colección de Documentos para la Historia de la Formación Social de Hispanoamerica, 1493–1810, ed. Richard Konetzke (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1953), 3: I, 406–13.Google Scholar
  69. 52.
    See ‘Libro de bautizado esclavos y gente de color’, 1777–1802, 5 vols., SR-SLC; Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 161; Clark, Strange History, 77–8, 237–8; and Hans W. Baade, ‘The Law of Slavery in Spanish Luisiana, 1769–1803’, in Louisiana’s Legal Heritage, ed. Edward F. Haas (Pensacola, FL: Perdido Bay Press for the Louisiana State Museum, 1985), 44–5.Google Scholar
  70. 53.
    ‘Pragmática Sanción’, 3:I, 408–9; Clark, Strange History, 77; Hanger, Bounded Lives, 92; and Twinam, Public Lives, 44–8.Google Scholar
  71. 54.
    See Clark, Strange History, 77–8; and Twinam, Public Lives, 44–6, for brief discussions on the Real Pragmática, legitimacy, and marriage.Google Scholar
  72. 55.
    ‘Pragmática Sanción’, 3:I, 412–3. The term ‘coyote’ was used primarily in northern New Spain, in what is now the American West, to describe people of mixed African, Indian and European blood.Google Scholar
  73. 56.
    For the final quote, which came from a 1778 amendment to the Pragmática, see Steinar A. Saether, ‘Bourbon Absolutism and Marriage Reform in Late Colonial Spanish America’, The Americas 59, no. 4 (2004): 490–1; Mörner, Race Mixture, 38–9; and Clark, Strange History, 78.Google Scholar
  74. 57.
    Din, Spaniards, Planters, and Slaves, 288; and Mary Veronica Miceli, ‘The Influence of the Roman Catholic Church on Slavery in Colonial Louisiana under French Dominion, 1719–1763’ (PhD diss., Tulane University, 1979), 93.Google Scholar
  75. 58.
    For an account of the sex ratios within both the coloured and white populations in Spanish New Orleans, see Hanger, Bounded Lives, 22–23, table 1.3. According to Hanger, there were 175 white men for every 100 white women in 1777. By 1805, that ratio had decreased to 115.Google Scholar
  76. 59.
    There are dozens of examples of insular godparenthood under the French. See ‘St. Louis Cathedral Baptisms’, 1731–1733, 1744–1753, and 1759–1762, Books 1, 3, and 5, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  77. 60.
    Lislet and Carleton, The Laws of Las Siete Partidas, 591; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 21, table 1.2.Google Scholar
  78. 61.
    See Lawrence Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 4 vols. (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1947), 2: 196; Census of New Orleans, November 6, 1791, NOPLGoogle Scholar
  79. 61a.
    Matthew Flannery, New Orleans in 1805: A Directory and a Census, (New Orleans, LA: Pelican Gallery, 1936), 5–8; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 18, table 1.1.Google Scholar
  80. 62.
    These numbers and percentages come from the data provided in Hanger, Bounded Lives, 27–9, table 1.4 and figure 1.3. The remaining 10% was split between 50 grifos (4%) and 108 unmarked (6%).Google Scholar
  81. 63.
    All 52 of the graciosa manumissions used the same or similar language. For the given quotes, see ‘Manumission of Francoise and Baptiste,’ February 11, 1772, #35, Book 3, Notary André Almonaster y Roxa, NONA. For statistics, see Hanger, Bounded Lives, 27, table 1.4.Google Scholar
  82. 64.
    See ‘Manumission’, March 13, 1773, #58, Notary Pierre (Pedro) Pedesclaux, NONA; ‘Manumission of Adelaïda’, September 4, 1777, #245, Book 4, Notary Jean Baptise Garic, NONA; and, among many others, ‘Manumission of Raymundo’, March 29, 1791, #296, Book 12, Notary André Almonaster y Roxa, NONA.Google Scholar
  83. 65.
    ‘Manumission of Magdalena and Joseph’, December 9, 1779, #553, Book 12, Notary Jean Baptiste Garic, NONA; and ‘Manumission of Joseph’, December 18, 1779, #591, Book 12, Notary Jean Baptiste Garic, NONA. For unknown reasons, Garic drew up two manumission papers for Joseph nine days apart. Also see Sterkx, The Free Negro in Louisiana, 48–9.Google Scholar
  84. 66.
    See Hanger, Bounded Lives, 31, table 1.6.Google Scholar
  85. 67.
    On Silvestre, see ‘Inventory of the Estate of Andres Juen’, Succession of Andres Juen, September 14, 1784, Spanish Judicial Records (hereafter SJR), in LHQ, Vol. 24 (1941): 1262; and Valentin vs. Succession of Andres Juen, September 23, 1784, SJR, in LHQ, Vol. 24 (1941): 1279.Google Scholar
  86. 68.
    Most scholars attribute the growth of marriage and legitimacy to the emergence of the coloured militia. They claim that the ‘free black militia... adopted the European family formation for purposes of advancement and community building’, and that a man named Noël Carrière, the captain of the Moreno Militia, ‘introduced’ this ‘new set of values in the free black community’. See Clark, Strange History, chapter 3, especially 78–84; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, chapter 4.Google Scholar
  87. 69.
    On the militia as the birth of free coloured cultural formation, see Clark, Strange History, chapter 3; Hanger, Bounded Lives, chapter 4; and Powell, Accidental City, chapter 10, which largely repeats Hanger’s argument.Google Scholar
  88. 70.
    Noting that the slave trade ended in Louisiana in 1743, and the French Period technically ended in 1763, the free coloured population had just a single generation to grow through natural increase. Thus, if there were freeborn men or women in French Louisiana with freeborn parents and grandparents, they made up an incalculably small percentage of the population. The vast majority of free people of colour were either born slaves, or had enslaved parents.Google Scholar
  89. 71.
    ‘Document A’, appended to ‘Death Certificate’, Succession of Christoval alias Léandre Cheval, f.c.m., December 19, 1839, Court of Probates, NOPL; and Hall, ed., Database of Louisiana Slavery [CD-ROM].Google Scholar
  90. 72.
    ‘Baptism of François Azémare’, St. Louis Cathedral Baptisms and Marriages, 1763–1766, September 9, 1764, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  91. 73.
    A number of studies have looked into father recognition for a variety of reasons. The most recent, looking at the marriage practices of Saint Domingue refugees in New Orleans and the Atlantic world from 1790 to 1812, is Clark, Strange History, chapter 4. Also see Rebecca J. Scott, Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 12–15; and Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 142–5, and more generally chapter 5.Google Scholar
  92. 74.
    There are dozens of examples. In general, see ‘Registry for Baptisms of Negro esclavo and mulatos’, 1771–1783; ‘St. Louis Cathedral Baptisms’, 1772–1776, 1777–1786, and 1786–1796; and ‘Libro de bautizados de negros y mulatos’, 1786–1792, all AANO.Google Scholar
  93. 75.
    See Death Certificate of Eulalie Mazange, February 6, 1846, NOPL; Death Certificate of Henriette Prieto, April 25, 1860, NOPL; Carolyn Morrow Long, ‘The Macarty Family of Orleans Parish’, New Orleans Genesis, April, 2013, 101–7. In order of birth, Luison Cheval and Charles Vivant’s children were Adelaïde, Constance, Lucile, Louis, Louise, Aimée, and Rosette. See Francisco Broutin, Notary, Book 25, #169, June 9, 1793, NONA; and ‘Petition of Heirs’, March 20, 1839, Succession of Louison Cheval, f.w.c, Court of Probates, NOPL; and Orleans Parish Death Index, Letter ‘V,’ Reel 1, NOPL.Google Scholar
  94. 76.
    See Succession of Geneviève Hermina Dolliole, January 7, 1852, NOPL; Succession of Jean Louis Dolliole, March 4, 1861, #17,714, Second Dist. Court, NOPL; Succession of Joseph Dolliole, fils, March 31, 1868, #32,582, Second Dist. Court, NOPL; Succession of Joseph Valcour Dolliole, August 30, 1854, #8126, Second Dist. Court, NOPL; 1850 Manuscript Census, Orleans Parish, NOPL; Will of Louis Dolliole, Book 3, pg. 242, 1822, NOPL; and Succession of Louis Dolliole, 1822, Court of Probates, NOPL.Google Scholar
  95. 77.
    See Succession of Geneviève Hermina Dolliole, January 7, 1852, NOPL; Succession of François Dolliole, 1816, Book 2, Court of Probates, NOPL; Succession of Joseph Dolliole, fils, March 31, 1868, #32,582, Second Dist. Court, NOPL; and Succession of Joseph Valcour Dolliole, August 30, 1854, #8126, Second Dist. Court, NOPL.Google Scholar
  96. 78.
    See ‘Document G’, in Succession of Françoise [Toutant] Populus, f.w.c., 1834, Court of Probates, NOPL; Succession of Louise Toutant, f.w.c, 1817, Court of Probates, NOPL; and Will of Barthelomé Toutant Beauregard, February 27, 1792, #39, Book 15, Notary Francois Broutin, NONA.Google Scholar
  97. 79.
    See Succession of Louise Toutant, f.w.c, 1817, Court of Probates, NOPL; and Marriage of Honoré Toutant Beauregard and Maria Jacques Kernion, February 5, 1823, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  98. 80.
    On ‘bourgeois morality’ of Saint-Domingue’s free coloured community, see Stewart R. King, Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2001), 181–2. On their marriage and sexual practices, seeGoogle Scholar
  99. 80a.
    Médéric Louis Elie Moreau de St.-Méry, Description topographique, physique, civile, politque et historique de la partie française de l’isle Saint Domingue, ed. Blanche Maurel and Etienne Taillemite (1797; Philadelphia: Société de l’Histoire des Colonies Françaises, 1984), 1279; andGoogle Scholar
  100. 80b.
    John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 42–3, 198–200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  101. 81.
    On cultural and social endogamy, see Spear, Race, Sex, and Social Order, 142–3.Google Scholar
  102. 82.
    See Clark, Strange History, 82–3; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 14–15.Google Scholar
  103. 83.
    ‘Baptism of Marie Adelaïde Cheval’, July 20, 1777, #21, Book 13, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  104. 84.
    Ibid.; and ‘Petition of Heirs’, November 3, 1842, Succession of Marie Thérèze Cheval, f.w.c, 1842, Book 6, #450, Court of Probates, NOPL. She was the daughter of Marie Thérèze Cheval, a mulâtresse, and Jean Dubois, a white Frenchman.Google Scholar
  105. 85.
    ‘Baptism of Adelaïde Cazelar’, September 15, 1787, #282, Book 12, SR-SLC; and ‘Baptism of Isabelle Pompona Cazelar’, May 5, 1791, #1223, Book 12, SR-SLC. Also cited in Clark, Strange History, 106–7.Google Scholar
  106. 86.
    ‘Baptism of Jean Pierre Cazelar’, April 18, 1800, #820, Book 14, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  107. 87.
    The Catholic Church viewed all marriages in the same light, regardless of law. See Hanger, Bounded Lives, 92; Bell, Afro-Creole Protest Tradition, 12–13; and Gilbert C. Din, Spaniards, Planters, and Slaves: The Spanish Regulation of Slavery in Louisiana, 1763–1803 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999), 127–8.Google Scholar
  108. 88.
    See ‘Marriages of Negros and Mulattos’, 1777–1830, SR-SLC; and Libro Primero de Matrimonios de Negros y Mulatos de la Parroquia de Sn. Luis de la Nueva Orleans, 1777–1830 (hereafter ‘Libro Primero’), SR-SLC, especially Volumes I and II.Google Scholar
  109. 89.
    ‘Marriage of Pierre Aubri and Marie Françoise Aurélie’, November 16, 1801, Libro Primero, II, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  110. 90.
    ‘Marriage of Firmin Perrault and Hortense Toutant’, July 14, 1798, Libro Primero, II, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  111. 91.
    Statistics gathered from Libro Primero, Vols. I and II, SR-SLC; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 95. Hanger provides the total number of marriages (93), and the initial number of shared phenotypes (71). Also see ‘Registry for Baptisms of Negro esclavo and mulatos’, 1771–1783, SR-SLC; and ‘Libro de bautizado esclavos y gente de color,’ 1777–1802, 5 vols., SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  112. 92.
    Libro Primero, Vols. I and II, SR-SLC; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 95. There are few examples, most of which occur after 1803, in Clark, Strange History, 82–3.Google Scholar
  113. 93.
    Roland C. McConnell, Negro Troops of Antebellum Louisiana: A History of the Battalion of Free Men of Color (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968), 15.Google Scholar
  114. 94.
    Clark, Strange History, 72.Google Scholar
  115. 95.
    Ibid., 79.Google Scholar
  116. 96.
    Kenneth Randolph Aslakson, ‘Making Race: The Role of Free Blacks in the Development of New Orleans’, Three Caste Society, 1791–1812 (Ph.D. dissertation: The University of Texas at Austin, 2007), 157.Google Scholar
  117. 97.
    See Libro Primero, Vols. I and II, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  118. 98.
  119. 99.
    See ‘Marriage of Joseph Leveillé and Marie Thérèze Carrière’, May 14, 1786, Libro Primero, I, SR-SLC.Google Scholar
  120. 100.
    Marriage of Philippe Azur and Julia Boisdoré, December 10, 1801, Libro Primero, I, SR-SLC. Julia was the illegitimate daughter of François Dorville and Isabelle Boisdoré. Philippe was 20 years old at the time of his marriage.Google Scholar
  121. 101.
    Philippe Azur, or the Spanish version of the name, ‘Felipe Asur’, does not appear in any of the extant militia rosters. For reference, see 1793 Militia Roster, November 6–7, 1793, folio 286–301, roll 159-B; and 1801 Militia Rosters, May 1, 1801, folio 347–363, roll 160-A, PC-AGI, LSU-HM.Google Scholar
  122. 102.
    1795 Census, folio 34, Roll 1-B, PC-AGI, LSU-HM; and Hanger, Bounded Lives, 126.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of Transatlantic Studies 2015

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.Department of HistoryLouisiana State UniversityBaton RougeUSA

Personalised recommendations