Advertisement

Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 11, Issue 1, pp 83–108 | Cite as

Continued drift, but without the acrimony: US-European relations under Barack Obama

  • Kristian L. NielsenEmail author
Article

Abstract

If the measure of Barack Obama’s success in mending US-European relations is whether the tone has improved, his presidency has been a great success. If the measure of success, however, is halting the drifting apart of policy preferences, the picture looks a lot less rosy. This article argues that the ‘drift’ in relations did not start and end with the Bush administration. Rather it reflects deep-seated preferences and very different world views on both sides. Given this, the best any one leader on either side can hope for is to manage relations with as little friction and acrimony as possible. The Obama administration realises that, and by this more limited measure, it has succeeded brilliantly.

Keywords

Barack Obama US-European relations transatlantic drift 

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    Barack Obama (speech, Berlin, July 24, 2008), https://doi.org/edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/ 07/24/obama.words/ (accessed March 13, 2012).
  2. 2.
    Richard Wike, ‘Obamamania Abroad: The Candidate Can Expect a Warm Welcome in Europe, Not so in the Middle East’, Pew Global Attitudes Project, July 16, 2008, https://doi.org/pewresearch.org/pubs/900/obama-trip-abroad (accessed March 13, 2012).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    The Daily Telegraph, November 6, 2008, https://doi.org/www.telegraph.co.uk/news/matt/?cartoon=3386966&cc=3517812 (accessed March 13, 2012).
  4. 4.
    The Norwegian Nobel Committee, ‘Award Announcement’ (Oslo, October 9, 2009). https://doi.org/nobelpeaceprize.org/en_GB/laureates/laureates-2009/announce-2009/ (accessed March 13, 2012).
  5. 5.
    German Marshall Foundation, Transatlantic Trends (2012), 4, https://doi.org/www.gmfus.org/wp-content/blogs.dir/1/files_mf/1352411944TT2012KeyFindingsReport1.pdf (accessed November 15, 2012).
  6. 6.
    For example, James M. Lindsay, ‘George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and the Future of US Global Leadership’, International Affairs 87, no. 4 (2011): 765–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  7. 6a.
    Daniel W. Drezner, ‘Does Obama Have a Grand Strategy?’, Foreign Affairs 90, no. 4 (2011): 57–68Google Scholar
  8. 6b.
    Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Lieberthal, and Michael E. O’Hanlon, ‘Scoring Obama’s Foreign Policy’, Foreign Affairs 91, no. 3 (2012): 29–43.Google Scholar
  9. 7.
    John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History (London: Penguin, 2006), 121–2Google Scholar
  10. 7a.
    Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Makings of our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).Google Scholar
  11. 8.
    George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower: US Foreign Relations since 1776 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 743.Google Scholar
  12. 9.
    Gaddis, The Cold War, 201–203, 225.Google Scholar
  13. 10.
    Herring, From Colony to Superpower, 906–7; Desmond Dinan, Europe Recast: A History of European Union (London: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2004), 243.Google Scholar
  14. 11.
    Dinan, Europe Recast, 98, 254.Google Scholar
  15. 12.
    Joseph S. Nye Jr., The Paradox of American Power: Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t go it Alone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).Google Scholar
  16. 13.
    To Paris, US looks like a “hyperpower”, The New York Times, February 5, 1999.Google Scholar
  17. 14.
    Quoted in Dinan, Europe Recast, 103.Google Scholar
  18. 15.
    David Hastings Dunn, ‘Innovation and Precedent in the Kosovo War: The Impact of Operation Allied Force on US Foreign Policy’, International Affairs 85, no. 3 (2009): 531–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  19. 16.
    Gale A. Mattox, ‘The Ambivalent Power: The United States and European Security and Defence Policy’, in The European Union and strategy: An Emerging Actor, ed. Kjell Engelbrekt and Jan Hallenberg (London: Routledge, 2008), 78.Google Scholar
  20. 17.
    Charles Hawley, ‘European Media will miss ‘Climate Killer’: With Bush gone Germany loses its Punch Bag’, Spiegel Online International, June 11, 2008, https://doi.org/www.spiegel.de/international/world/european-media-will-miss-climate-killer-with-bush-going-germany-loses-its-punching-bag-a-559125.html (accessed June 30, 2012).Google Scholar
  21. 18.
    For a thorough assessment of Bush’ first term foreign policy, see Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy, 2nd ed. (Hoboken: Wiley, 2005).Google Scholar
  22. 19.
    The National Center for Public Policy Research, https://doi.org/www.nationalcenter.org/Kyoto Senate.html (accessed March 13, 2012).
  23. 20.
    The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington, DC: The White House, 2002), 14–15.Google Scholar
  24. 21.
    John Peterson, ‘Europe, America, Iraq: Worse Ever, Ever Worsening?’ Journal of Common Market Studies 42, Annual Review (2004): 14–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  25. 22.
    Tony Blair, ‘Doctrine of the International Community’ (Chicago, IL, April 22, 1999), https://doi.org/www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/international/jan-june99/blair_doctrine4-23.html (accessed November 15, 2012).
  26. 23.
    Peterson, ‘Europe, America Iraq’, 14–15.Google Scholar
  27. 24.
    The Great Performer Leaves the Stage, The Economist, May 10, 2007.Google Scholar
  28. 25.
    In 2008, in Britain, Germany and France 16, 14 and 13%, respectively, registered confidence in the US president. Pew Global Attitudes Project, https://doi.org/www.pewglobal.org/database/?indicator= 9&mode=chart (accessed November 15, 2012).
  29. 26.
    Robert Kagan, ‘Power and Weakness’, Policy Review 113 (2002)Google Scholar
  30. 26a.
    Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations (New York: Grove Press, 2003), 3–28.Google Scholar
  31. 27.
    European public opinion is somewhat less supportive of the notion that ‘It is sometimes necessary to use military force to maintain order in the world’ than it is in the US. Pew Global Attitude Project, The American-Western European Value Gap, November 17, 2011, https://doi.org/www.pewglobal.org/2011/11/17/the-american-western-european-values-gap/ (accessed November 15, 2012).
  32. 28.
    Asle Toje, ‘The European Union as a Small Power, or Conceptualizing Europe’s Strategic Actorness’, Journal of European Integration 30, no. 2 (2008): 199–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  33. 29.
    Julian Lindley-French, ‘The Revolution in Security Affairs: Hard and Soft Security Dynamics in the 21st Century’, European Security 13, no. 1 (2004): 1–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  34. 30.
    Asle Toje, ‘The 2003 European Security Strategy: A Critical Appraisal’, European Foreign Affairs Review 10, no. 1 (2005): 117–33.Google Scholar
  35. 31.
    European Council, A Secure Europe in a Better World: The European Security Strategy (Brussels: European Council, 2003), 7.Google Scholar
  36. 32.
    Peterson, ‘Europe, America, Iraq’, 12.Google Scholar
  37. 33.
    Christoph Chivvis and Thomas Rid, ‘The Roots of Germany’s Russia Policy’, Survival 51, no. 2 (2009): 118.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  38. 34.
    Mark Leonard and Nicu Popescu, A Power Audit of EU-Russia Relations (London: European Council of Foreign Relations, 2007), 31–6.Google Scholar
  39. 35.
    Ronald D. Asmus, A Little War that Shook the World: Georgia, Russia and the Future of the West (New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2010), 111–40.Google Scholar
  40. 36.
    Ibid., 5, 202.Google Scholar
  41. 37.
    Europe and America, The Economist, November 25, 2010.Google Scholar
  42. 38.
    Adam Quinn, ‘The Art of Declining Politely: Obama’s Prudent Presidency and the Waning of American Power’, International Affairs 87, no. 4 (2011): 803–824.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  43. 39.
    Gale A. Mattox, ‘Resetting the US-Russian Relationship: Is ‘Cooperative Engagement’ Possible?’ European Security 20, no. 1 (2011): 103–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  44. 40.
    John McCormick, American Exceptionalism: The Implications for Europe’, Journal of Transatlantic Studies 3, no. 2 (2005): 201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. 41.
    Barack Obama, ‘Speech to the United Nations General Assembly’ (New York, NY, September 23, 2009), https://doi.org/www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-the-President-to-the-United-Nations-General-Assembly/ (accessed November 15, 2012).
  46. 42.
    Karl Rove, ‘The President’s Apology Tour’, The Wall Street Journal, April 23, 2009.Google Scholar
  47. 43.
    Nile Gardiner and Morgan Roach, Barack Obama’s Top 10 Apologies: How the President has Humiliated a Superpower, June 2, 2009, https://doi.org/www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/06/barack-obamas-top-10-apologies-how-the-president-has-humiliated-a-superpower (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  48. 44.
    Barack Obama, ‘2008 Speech in Berlin’.Google Scholar
  49. 45.
    Barack Obama, ‘Inaugural Address’ (Washington, DC, January 20, 2009), https://doi.org/www.msnbc.msn.com/id/28751183/ns/politics-inauguration/t/time-has-come-reaffirm-our-enduring-spirit/ (accessed November 15, 2012).
  50. 46.
    Lindsay, ‘Bush, Obama, and Global Leadership’, 777ff.Google Scholar
  51. 47.
    ‘Third Presidential Debate’, Boca Raton, FL, October 22, 2012, https://doi.org/www.youtube.com/watch?v=oAJiovQZcZ8 (at 28.59) (accessed November 15, 2012).
  52. 48.
    Quinn, ‘Declining Politely’, 814; Joseph M. Parent and Paul K. MacDonald, ‘The Wisdom of Retrenchment: America Must Cut Back to Move Forward’, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2011. For a more critical view, see Michael J. Mazarr, ‘The Risks of Ignoring Strategic Insolvency’, The Washington Quarterly 35, no. 4 (2012): 7–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. 49.
    The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington, DC: The White House, 2010), ii, 46.Google Scholar
  54. 50.
    McCormick, American Exceptionalism’, 202–3.Google Scholar
  55. 51.
    Mitt Romney, ‘Republican Presidential Debate’, Sioux City, IA, 15 December 2011, https://doi.org/www.youtube.com/watch?v=V-lD3YqP9Sw (at1.02:15) (accessed November 15, 2012).
  56. 52.
    European Council, A Secure Europe in a Better World, 9.Google Scholar
  57. 53.
    Public opinion differs widely. In France, Britain and Germany large majorities want UN approval; US opinion is evenly divided. Pew Global Attitudes Project, The American-Western European Value Gap, November 17, 2011, https://doi.org/www.pewglobal.org/2011/11/17/ the-american-western-european-values-gap/ (accessed November 15, 2012).
  58. 54.
    ‘Preferences’ denotes broad conception of national interest and the broad direction of policy, as opposed to positions on specific issues, which, formulated within the broader frame, are more subject to political contestation. Andrew Moravcsik, ‘Taking Preferences Seriously: A Liberal Theory of International Politics’, International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 513–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  59. 55.
    ‘Joint Statement by U.S. President Obama, European Commission President Barroso and European Council President Van Rompuy’, Los Cabos, June 19, 2012, European Commission MEMO/12/462.Google Scholar
  60. 56.
    Daniel S. Hamilton and Joseph P. Quinlan, The Transatlantic Economy 2012 (Washington: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2012), 1.Google Scholar
  61. 57.
    Koen G. Berden, Joseph Francois, Martin Thelle, Paul Wymenga, and Saara Tamminen, Non-Tariff Measures in EU-US Trade and Investment - An Economic Analysis (Rotterdam: ECORYS Nederland BV, 2009), xiv.Google Scholar
  62. 58.
    David W. Lesch, ‘Prudence Suggests Staying Out of Syria’, Current History 111, (2012): 299–304.Google Scholar
  63. 59.
    For example, Dana Milbank, ‘Obama’s Reelection Could be in Europe’s Hands’, The Washington Post, June 8, 2012.Google Scholar
  64. 60.
    Scott Wilson, ‘History… is Always up to us’, The Washington Post, June 7, 2009.Google Scholar
  65. 61.
    Scott Wilson and Howard Schneider, ‘Obama, Merkel Disagree on Libya, Economics. But they’re Working on it’, The Washington Post, June 8, 2011.Google Scholar
  66. 62.
    Valentina Pop, ‘Hollande Proposes t120bn Growth Pact’, EUObserver.com, June 18, 2012.Google Scholar
  67. 63.
    Daniel Kelemen, ‘Europe’s New Normal’, Foreign Affairs Online, May 16, 2012, https://doi.org/www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137642/r-daniel-kelemen/europes-new-normal?page=show (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  68. 64.
    Honor Mahoney, ‘EU to G20: We Will Not Take “Economic Lessons”’, EUObserver.com, June 19, 2012.Google Scholar
  69. 65.
    Barack Obama (speech, St. Paul, MN, June 3, 2008). https://doi.org/www.youtube.com/watch?v=_AvqORJpKxU&feature=related (accessed November 15, 2012).
  70. 66.
    A Deal in Durban, The Economist, December 17, 2011.Google Scholar
  71. 67.
    Responding to Climate Change, https://doi.org/www.rtcc.org/policy/us-election-2012-republican-presidential-candidates-on-climate-change (accessed November 15, 2012).
  72. 68.
    Al Gore, ‘Climate and Denial’, Rolling Stone Magazine, June 22, 2011.Google Scholar
  73. 69.
    ‘Hedegaard: Hurricane Sandy ‘in line with’ Climate Predictions’, Euractiv.com, November 7, 2012.Google Scholar
  74. 70.
    Julia Eilperin, ‘Airlines Must Pay for Carbon Emissions on European Flights, High Court Rules’, The Washington Post, December 21, 2011.Google Scholar
  75. 71.
    Nikolaj Nielsen, ‘EU to ‘stop the clock’ on Airline Carbon Tax’, EUObserver.com, November 13, 2012.Google Scholar
  76. 72.
    Hillary Clinton, ‘Leading Through Civilian Power’, Foreign Affairs 89, no. 6, (November-December 2010): 13–24.Google Scholar
  77. 73.
    Anup Shah, ‘Foreign Aid for Development Assistance’, April 8, 2012, https://doi.org/www.globalissues.org/article/35/foreign-aid-development-assistance (accessed November 15, 2012).
  78. 74.
    Howard Schneider, ‘US Calls IMF too Eurocentric’, The Washington Post, September 22, 2010.Google Scholar
  79. 75.
    Howard Schneider and Anthony Faiola, ‘As Europe Stumbles, Lagarde Presses IMF Bid’, The Washington Post, June 23, 2012.Google Scholar
  80. 76.
    The World Bank: Kim Selection, The Economist, April 19, 2012.Google Scholar
  81. 77.
    Andrew Rettman, ‘Unesco Vote Highlights EU Split on Palestine’, EUObserver.com, November 1, 2011.Google Scholar
  82. 78.
    Andrew Rettman, ‘Twelve EU Countries Likely to Back Palestine’s UN Bid’, EUObserver.com, November 9, 2012.Google Scholar
  83. 79.
    Valdas Adamkus, Martin Butora, Emil Constantinescu, Pavol Demes, Lubos Dobrovsky, Matyas Eorsi, Istvan Gyarmati, Vaclav Havel, Rastislav Kacer, Sandra Kalniete, Karel Schwarzenberg, Michal Kovac, Ivan Krastev, Alexander Kwasniewski, Mart Laar, Kadri Liik, Janos Martonyi. Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Adam Rotfeld, Vaira Vike-Freiberga, Alexandr Vondra, and Lech Walesa, An Open Letter to the Obama Administration from Central and Eastern Europe, July 16, 2009, https://doi.org/www.rferl.org/content/An_Open_Letter_To_The_Obama_Administration_From_Central_And_Eastern_Europe/1778449.html (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  84. 80.
    James Kanter, ‘Europe to Restart Data Sharing with the US’, The New York Times, July 9, 2010.Google Scholar
  85. 81.
    Parliament Gives Green Light to Air Passenger Data Deal with the US, European Parliament News, April 19, 2012, https://doi.org/www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/content/20120410FCS42635/7/html/Parliament-gives-green-light-to-air-passenger-data-deal-with-the-US (accessed November 15, 2012).
  86. 82.
    Nikolaj Nielsen, ‘EU Hands Personal Data to US Authorities on Daily Basis’, EUObserver.com, June 22, 2012.Google Scholar
  87. 83.
    Carol Rosenberg, ‘Why Obama Can’t Close Guantanamo’, Foreign Affairs Online, December 14, 2011, https://doi.org/www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/136781/carol-rosenberg/why-obama-cant-close-guantanamo (accessed November 15, 2012).
  88. 84.
    Statement of the Under-Secretary General for Management on improving the financial situation, October 11, 2011. The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington, DC: The White House, 2010), https://doi.org/www.un.org/en/ga/contribu-tions/financial.shtml (accessed November 15, 2012). The total figure is arrived at by adding together the unpaid regular budget contributions ($758 million), unpaid peacekeeping assessments ($405 million) and contributions owed to various UN tribunals ($36 million) less money owed to the US for troops and personnel employed on peacekeeping missions ($34 million).
  89. 85.
    The White House, The National Security Strategy, 21.Google Scholar
  90. 86.
    Jo Becker and Scott Shane, ‘Secret “Kill List” Proves a Test of Obama’s Principles and Will’, The New York Times, May 29, 2012.Google Scholar
  91. 87.
    Valentina Pop, ‘EU Cheers Reported Killing of bin Laden’, EUObserver.com, May 2, 2011.Google Scholar
  92. 88.
    Gregor Peter Schmitz, ‘Europeans Back Obama but Not Necessarily His Policies’, Spiegel Online International (September 10, 2008), https://doi.org/www.spiegel.de/international/ world/0,1518,577449,00.html (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  93. 89.
    Barack Obama, ‘Nobel Peace Prize Lecture’ (Oslo, December 10, 2009).Google Scholar
  94. 90.
    Stephen M. Saideman and David P. Auerswald, ‘Comparing Caveats: Understanding the Sources of National Restrictions upon NATO’s Mission in Afghanistan’, International Studies Quarterly 56 (2012): 67–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  95. 91.
    Ibid., 77.Google Scholar
  96. 92.
    Pew Global Attitudes Project, Key Indicators Database: Support for War in Afghanistan, https://doi.org/www.pewglobal.org/database/?indicator=9&mode=chart (accessed November 15, 2012).
  97. 93.
    ‘Chicago NATO Summit 2012 Declaration’, May 20, 2012, https://doi.org/www.defencetalk.com/chicago-nato-summit-2012-declaration-42672/ (accessed November 15, 2012).
  98. 94.
    Ivo H. Daalder and James G. Stavridis, ‘NATO’s Victory in Libya’, Foreign Affairs 91, no. 2 (2012): 3.Google Scholar
  99. 95.
    A Troubling Victory, The Economist, September 3, 2011.Google Scholar
  100. 96.
    Nikolaj Nielsen, ‘NATO Commander: EU Could Not Do Libya Without US’, EUObserver.com, March 20, 2012.Google Scholar
  101. 97.
    Robert Gates (speech, Brussels, June 10, 2011), https://doi.org/blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2011/06/10/transcript-of-defense-secretary-gatess-speech-on-natos-future (accessed November 15, 2012).
  102. 98.
    Andrew Rettman, ‘EU Leaders Call US Bluff on 1967 Borders in Israel’, EUObserver.com, June 25, 2011.Google Scholar
  103. 99.
    Nick Witney, ‘Even Homer Nods’, June 13, 2011, https://doi.org/ecfr.eu/content/entry/commentary _even_homer_nods (accessed November 15, 2012).
  104. 100.
    Richard N. Haass, ‘Why Europe No Longer Matters’, The Washington Post, June 18, 2011.Google Scholar
  105. 101.
    Swedish International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Military Expenditure Data 1988–2011, https://doi.org/docs.google.com/spreadsheet/ccc?key=0AonYZs4MzlZbdDQyQWd3TDN McXlLVU1abFRKVEh4WEE#gid=1 (accessed November 15, 2012).
  106. 102.
    Lindley-French, ‘Revolution in Security Affairs’, 2–3.Google Scholar
  107. 103.
    David Ignatius, ‘Obama’s Partnership Deficit’, The Washington Post, June 10, 2011.Google Scholar
  108. 104.
    Hedley Bull, ‘Civilian Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms’, Journal of Common Market Studies 21, no. 2 (1982): 156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  109. 105.
    Hillary Clinton, ‘America’s Pacific Century’, Foreign Policy, November 2011.Google Scholar
  110. 106.
    Ryan Lizza, ‘The Consequentialist’, The New Yorker, May 2, 2011.Google Scholar
  111. 107.
    German Marshall Foundation, Transatlantic Trends (2011), 3, 15. https://doi.org/www.gmfus.org/publications_/TT/TT2011_final.pdf, 3 (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  112. 108.
    Americans Turn to Europe, Downgrading China: Survey, Euractiv.com, September 14, 2012.Google Scholar
  113. 109.
    Barack Obama, ‘State of the Union Address’ (Washington, DC, January 24, 2012), https://doi.org/www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/01/24/remarks-president-state-union-address (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  114. 110.
    US Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense (Washington, DC: US Department of Defense, 2012), 9.Google Scholar
  115. 111.
    Pew Global Attitudes Project, Key Indicators Database: Confidence in the U.S. President 2011, https://doi.org/www.pewglobal.org/database/?indicator=6&mode=chart, (accessed November 15, 2012).
  116. 112.
    Brian Wheeler, ‘How ‘Europe’ Became a Dirty Word in the US Election’, BBC News Magazine, January 31, 2012, https://doi.org/www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-16583813 (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  117. 113.
    Alastair Good, ‘Mitt Romney: ‘European socialist policies not right for US”, Daily Telegraph, September 23, 2011.Google Scholar
  118. 114.
    E. J. Dionne, ‘Republicans Keep Moving Obama to Europe’, The Washington Post, January 16, 2012.Google Scholar
  119. 115.
    Walter Russell Mead, ‘The Tea Party and American Foreign Policy: What Populism Means for Globalism’, Foreign Affairs 90, no. 2 (March-April 2011): 28–44.Google Scholar
  120. 116.
    Iran’s Warning, The Economist, January 7, 2012.Google Scholar
  121. 117.
    Andrew Rettman, ‘Countdown Begins to EU Oil Ban on Iran’, EUObserver.com, June 20, 2012.Google Scholar
  122. 118.
    David E. Sanger, ‘Obama Order Sped up Wave of Cyber Attacks against Iran’, The New York Times, June 1, 2012.Google Scholar
  123. 119.
    Helene Cooper and Mark Landler, ‘US Officials Say Iran Has Agreed to Nuclear Talks’, The New York Times, October 20, 2012.Google Scholar
  124. 120.
    For example, Mitt Romney, ‘How I Would Check Iran’s Nuclear Ambition’, The Washington Post, March 5, 2012.Google Scholar
  125. 121.
    Suzanne Maloney, ‘Obama’s Counterproductive New Iran Sanctions: How Washington is Sliding Toward Regime Change’, Foreign Affairs Online (January 5, 2012), https://doi.org/www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137011/suzanne-maloney/obamas-counterproductive-new-iran-sanctions?page=2Google Scholar
  126. 121a.
    Trita Parsi, ‘How Obama Should Talk to Iran’, The Washington Post, January 15, 2012Google Scholar
  127. 121b.
    Rolf Ekeus and Målfrid Braut-Hegghammer, ‘Don’t Go Baghdad on Tehran: How to Avoid Repeating the Iraq Debacle’, Foreign Affairs Online, October 18, 2012, https://doi.org/www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/138201/rolf-ekeus-and-malfrid-braut-heg ghammer/dont-go-baghdad-on-tehran?page=show (accessed November 15, 2012).Google Scholar
  128. 122.
    For example, Nile Gardiner and Theodore R. Bromund, ‘Five Conservative Principles that Should Guide U.S. Policy on Europe’, Heritage Foundation Issue Briefs, March 1, 2012.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of Transatlantic Studies 2013

Authors and Affiliations

  1. 1.Centre for the Study of Europe, Institute of International Business CommunicationCopenhagen Business SchoolCopenhagenDenmark
  2. 2.Institute of Government and PoliticsUniversity of TartuTartuEstonia

Personalised recommendations