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Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 6, Issue 3, pp 201–216 | Cite as

George W. Bush’s Secretaries of State and Europe: Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice

  • Klaus Larres
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Notes

  1. 1.
    See for example, Richard A. Posner, Breaking the Deadlock: The 2000 Election, the Constitution, and the Courts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  2. 2.
    James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet (London: Penguin, 2004).Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Ibid., xv-xvi.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    See Elisabeth Bumiller, Condoleezza Rice. An American Life. A Biography (New York: Random House, 2007)Google Scholar
  5. 4a.
    Glenn Kessler, The Confidante: Condoleezza Rice and the Creation of the Bush Legacy (New York: St Martin’s Press, 2007)Google Scholar
  6. 4b.
    also Marcus Mabry, Condoleezza Rice (London: Gibson Square, 2007).Google Scholar
  7. 5.
    His successor, Condoleezza Rice, became the second one and the first African American woman in this position. For an interesting analysis, see Clarence Lusane, Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice: Foreign Policy, Race, and the New American Century (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2006).Google Scholar
  8. 6.
    Powell did consider running for President in 1996. See Colin Powell, with Joseph E. Persico, My American Journey (New York: Ballentine Books, 1996), 599–602 (new afterword)Google Scholar
  9. 6a.
    Karen DeYoung, Soldier. The Life of Colin Powell (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006), 263–84.Google Scholar
  10. 7.
    See Johanna McGeary, ‘Odd Man Out’, Time, 2 September 2001, https://doi.org/www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,173441,00.html.
  11. 8.
    See for example, the essays in Iwan W. Morgan and Philip J. Davies, eds, Right on? Political Change and Continuity in George W. Bush’s America (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2006), including my own essay on ‘The Bush Administration and Europe’, ibid., 75–91.Google Scholar
  12. 9.
    ‘Ultimately’, Kissinger wrote, ‘a Secretary of State can succeed only if he or she is close to the President and is treated by him as the center of the policy process.’ See Henry Kissinger, ‘Condoleezza Rice: A New Panache in Foreign Affairs’, Time, 2005, https://doi.org/www.time.com/time/subscriber/2005/time100/leaders/100rice.html.Google Scholar
  13. 10.
    For all quotes, see DeYoung, Soldier, 295.Google Scholar
  14. 11.
  15. 12.
    See Rice’s article ‘Promoting the National Interest’, Foreign Affairs 79, no. 1, (January/February 2000), 9 (internet edition).Google Scholar
  16. 13.
    DeYoung, Soldier, 290–309, 310ff.Google Scholar
  17. 14.
    See for example, Dale R. Herspring, Rumsfeld’s War: The Arrogance of Power (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008)Google Scholar
  18. 14a.
    Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic Legacy (New York: Scribner, 2007)Google Scholar
  19. 14b.
    John W. Dean, Worse than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush (New York: Little, Brown, 2004).Google Scholar
  20. 15.
    This comes across clearly in the books by E. Bumiller and G. Kessler.Google Scholar
  21. 16.
    For a good account of neo-conservatism and its roots and impact on the Bush administration, see Tom J. Farer, Confronting Global Terrorism and American Neo-conservatism: The Framework of a Liberal Grand Strategy (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  22. 16a.
    J. Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldrige, The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (New York: Penguin, 2004).Google Scholar
  23. 17.
    ‘The New Unilateralism’, Washington Post, 8 June 2001. See also Krauthammer’s original article ‘The Unipolar Moment’, Foreign Affairs (Winter 1990/1); and ‘The Unipolar Moment Revisited’, National Interest 70 (Winter 2002): 5–17. See also M. Hirsh, ‘Bush and the World’, Foreign Affairs (Sept./Oct. 2002)Google Scholar
  24. 17a.
    G.J. Ikenberry, ‘America’s Imperial Ambition’, Foreign Affairs (Sept./ Oct. 2002)Google Scholar
  25. 17b.
    also S. Mallaby, ‘The Reluctant Imperialist: Terrorism, Failed States, and the Case for American Empire’, Foreign Affairs (March/April 2002).Google Scholar
  26. 18.
    Quote from Canadian Broadcasting Cooperation News Online, ‘Colin Powel. A Profile’, 15 November 2004, https://doi.org/www.cbc.ca/news/background/powell_colin/.
  27. 19.
    DeYoung, Soldier, 312ffGoogle Scholar
  28. 20.
    Ibid., 358.Google Scholar
  29. 21.
    Ibid., 359–60.Google Scholar
  30. 22.
    See Dowling Campbell, ed., A Bird in the Bush. The Failed Domestic Policies of the George W. Bush Administration (New York: Algora Publishing, 2005), chapters 3, 4, and 5. The administration may have had Henry Kissinger in mind.Google Scholar
  31. 23.
    See Steven E. Miller, ‘The End of Unilateralism or Unilateralism Redux?’, Washington Quarterly 25, no.1 (Winter 2002), 15–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  32. 24.
    DeYoung, Soldier, 323-6.Google Scholar
  33. 25.
    See Gerard Baker, ‘Not All Americans Now’, The Times (London), 6 September 2006, https://doi.org/www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article628734.ece.
  34. 26.
    See for example, Bob Woodward, Plan of Attack (New York, Simon and Schuster, 2004), 24 ffGoogle Scholar
  35. 26a.
    Richard Clarke, Against All Enemies (New York, Free Press, 2004), 30 ffGoogle Scholar
  36. 26b.
    Ron Suskind, The Price of Loyalty (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004), 184; DeYoung, Soldier, 348 ffGoogle Scholar
  37. 27.
    For the State of the Union address, see https://doi.org/www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html.
  38. 28.
    For the strategy paper, see https://doi.org/www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html.
  39. 29.
    T. Judd, ‘Its Own Worst Enemy’ [review of J. Nye, The Paradox of American Power], New York Review of Books, 15 August 2002, 3 (internet edition).Google Scholar
  40. 30.
    Salman Rushdie, A Liberal Argument for Regime Change’, Washington Post, 1 November 2002, A35. The new administration appeared to behave ‘like a sullen, pouting, oblivious, and overmuscled teenager’. For Bush’s envisaged strategic vision, see John Lewis Gaddis, A Grand Strategy of Transformation’, Foreign Policy, November/December 2002, 56.Google Scholar
  41. 31.
    Judt, ‘It’s Own Worst Enemy’, 6–9 (internet edition).Google Scholar
  42. 32.
    See https://doi.org/www.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/meast/08/19/powell.un/.
  43. 33.
    DeYoung, Soldier, chapter 19; for Powell’s UN speech, see 446-52.Google Scholar
  44. 34.
    See DeYoung, Soldier, 510–11.Google Scholar
  45. 35.
    The crisis erupted in late August 2002 just before the German general election in September 2002.Google Scholar
  46. 36.
    See ‘Mutual Incomprehension? U.S.-German Value Gaps over Iraq and Beyond’, Washington Quarterly 26, no. 2 (Spring 2003): 23–42Google Scholar
  47. 36a.
    William Shawcross, Allies: The United States, Britain, Europe and the War in Iraq (London: Atlantic Books, 2003)Google Scholar
  48. 36b.
    Philip H. Gordon and Jeremy Shapiro, Allies at War: America, Europe, and the Crisis of Iraq (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004).Google Scholar
  49. 37.
    See Anne Applebaum, ‘Here Comes the New Europe’, Washington Post, 29 January 2003, https://doi.org/www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A57913-2003Jan28.html.Google Scholar
  50. 38.
    Roger Boyes, ‘Germany: Deal on Iraq May End Steinmeier’s Election Hopes’, The Times (London), 11 September 2008, https://doi.org/www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/arti cle4727437.ece. For the original articles, see Uli Rauss and Oliver Schröm, ‘Hat Steinmeier gelogen?’, Stern, 11 September 2008, https://doi.org/www.stern.de/politik/deutschland/638598.html; and Uli Rauss and Oliver Schröm, ‘Die Bagdad-Protokolle’, Stern, 24 September 2008, https://doi.org/www.stern.de/politik/ausland/:Irak-Krieg-Die-Bagdad-Protokolle/639615.html.Google Scholar
  51. 39.
    For a good overview, see Stephen Szabo, Parting Ways: The Crisis in German-American Relations (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2004).Google Scholar
  52. 40.
    ‘The German-American Alliance for the 21st Century. Joint Statement by President George W. Bush and Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder’, 27 February 2004, https://doi.org/www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2004/02/print/20040227-10.html.
  53. 41.
    Bush-Schröder, Joint Statement at the White House, 29 March 2001, https://doi.org/www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=45659.
  54. 42.
    Richard W. Stevenson, ‘Bush and Schröder Laugh Over Lunch, but Not All Weekend’, New York Times, 28 February 2004, https://doi.org/query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C07E2DF1E3CF93BA15751C0A9629C8B63.Google Scholar
  55. 43.
    Vincent Jauvert, ‘Chirac-Bush. The Cordial Mistrust’, Le Nouvel Observateuer, 17 February 2005, 2.Google Scholar
  56. 44.
  57. 45.
    Interview with Condoleezza Rice with Washington Post journalists on 25 March 2005.Google Scholar
  58. 46.
    For Bush’s speeches when he visited Germany on 23 February 2005, see https://doi.org/germany.usembassy.gov/germany/bush_visit2005.html.
  59. 47.
    DeYoung, Soldier, 8–10.Google Scholar
  60. 48.
    See Bumiller, Condoleezza Rice, 79ff.Google Scholar
  61. 49.
    Ibid., 94–5.Google Scholar
  62. 50.
    Condoleezza Rice and Philip Zelikow, Germany Unified and Europe Transformed: A Study in Statecraft (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).Google Scholar
  63. 51.
    See Russell Baker, ‘Condi and the Boys’ [review article], New York Review of Books 55, no. 5 (3 April 2008), https://doi.org/www.nybooks.com/articles/21192.
  64. 52.
    As quoted by Mark A. Barabak, ‘Not Always Diplomatic in Her First Major Post’, Los Angeles Times, 16 January 2005, https://doi.org/articles.latimes.com/2005/jan/16/local/me-rice16.Google Scholar
  65. 53.
    At least according to John A. Boehmer, Republican Congressman from Ohio, who knows both Bush and Rice well. See Richard T. Cooper and Tyler Marshall, ‘Bush, Rice are Tightly Bound by Experience’, Los Angeles Times, 17 November 2004, https://doi.org/articles.latimes.com/2004/nov/17/nation/na-condi17.Google Scholar
  66. 54.
  67. 55.
    See Clarke, Against All Enemies; and The 9/11 Commission Report (New York: Norton, 2003), 254ffGoogle Scholar
  68. 56.
    See the documentation put together by the Washington based independent National Security Archive: https://doi.org/www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB147/index.htm; also Clarke, Against All Enemies, 237–8
  69. 57.
    Elisabeth Bumiller and Philip Shenon, ‘Threats and Responses: Political Memo’, New York Times, 26 March 2004, https://doi.org/query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F01E3DD1330F935A15750C0A9629C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=print. For C. Rice’s own testimony to the 9/11 Commission in May 2004, see https://doi.org/www.cnn.com/2004/ALLPOLITICS/04/08/rice.transcript/.Google Scholar
  70. 58.
    See Kessler, The Confidante, 185–6.Google Scholar
  71. 59.
    See her own admission in Condoleezza Rice, ‘Rethinking the National Interest. American Realism for a New World’, Foreign Affairs (July/August 2008), https://doi.org/www.foreignaffairs.org/20080701faessay87401-p0/condoleezza-rice/rethinking-the-national-interest.html, 9 (internet edition).Google Scholar
  72. 60.
    Kessler, The Confidante, 3–4.Google Scholar
  73. 61.
    See for instance, Steven Erlanger, ‘Palestinian Split Poses a Policy Quandary for US’, New York Times, 17 June 2007, https://doi.org/www.nytimes.com/2007/06/17/world/middleeast/17assess.html.Google Scholar
  74. 62.
    Condoleezza Rice, ‘Special Briefing [to journalists] on Travel to the Middle East and Europe’, 21 July 2006, https://doi.org/www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2006/69331.htm; see also Tony Caron, ‘Condi in Diplomatic Disneyland’, Time, 26 July 2006, https://doi.org/www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1219325,00.html.
  75. 63.
    Her philosophy was however largely ignored by the media. See Rosa Brooks, ‘National Disinterest in Condi’, Los Angeles Times, 26 June 2008, https://doi.org/articles.latimes.com/2008/jun/26/ opinion/oe-brooks26.
  76. 64.
    See Rice, ‘Rethinking the National Interest’.Google Scholar
  77. 65.
  78. 66.

Copyright information

© Taylor & Francis 2008

Authors and Affiliations

  • Klaus Larres
    • 1
  1. 1.School of History and International AffairsUniversity of UlsterBelfastNorthern Ireland, UK

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