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Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 5, Issue 1, pp 25–42 | Cite as

Strategic Drift in the Expeditionary Era: Nato in the New World

  • Carl Cavanagh Hodge
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Notes

  1. 1.
    Strategic drift is here understood to refer to growing differences over the threat or use ofmilitary force for the ends established by policy.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    The U.S. Marine Corps defines an expedition loosely as “a military operation conductedby an armed force to accomplish a specific objective in a foreign country.” See: U.S.Marines Corps MCDP3 Expeditionary Operations (Washington DC, United StatesGovernment, Secretary of the Navy, 1998) p. 31.Google Scholar
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    Woodward, p.398. It was less NATO than American airpower that brought Serbia to heel.Of a total of 3515 sorties flown, the United States accounted for 2318 or 65.9%; of the1026 bombs and missiles used the fact that 708 were precision-guided munitions (PGMs)permitted the air campaign to achieve the fastest possible results while minimizing collateral damage and casualties. Col. Robert C. Owen, “The Balkans Air Campaign Study,”Parts I and II Airpower Journal, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1997, pp. 4–24 and Vol. 11, No. 3, 1997, pp. 6–26, also available at http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/ops/docs/apj-sum97-owen.html.Google Scholar
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    See also John E. Peters and Howard Deshong, Out of Area or Out of Reach? European MilitarySupport for Operations in Southwest Asia (Santa Monica: RAND, 1995)Google Scholar
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    Ibid., pp. 350-51.Google Scholar
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    Carl Cavanagh Hodge, Atlanticism for a New Century: The Rise, Triumph and Declineof NATO (Upper Saddle River: Prentice-Hall, 2005), pp. 46–48.Google Scholar
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    The “Fashoda Syndrome” refers to a crisis in the rivalry between France and Britain inthe imperial “Scramble for Africa” during the late nineteenth century. See Darrell Bates, The Fashoda Incident of 1898: Encounter on the Nile (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984);ai]15a_Christopher Clapham, “Rwanda: The Perils of Peacemaking,” Journal ofPeace Research, Vol. 35, no. 2, 1998, pp. 193–210;ai]15b_Asteris C. Huliaris, “The ’Anglo-Saxon’ Conspiracy: French Perceptions of the Great Lakes Crisis,” Journal of ModemAfrican Studies, Vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 593–609).Google Scholar
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    Ibid., Ch. 11.Google Scholar
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    New York Times, March 25, 1999.Google Scholar
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    Elliot Abrams, “To Fight the Good Fight,” The National Interest, No. 59, 2000. For anexpert dissenting view on this issue, seeGoogle Scholar
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    Benjamin S. Lambeth, NATO’s Air War forKosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment (Santa Monica: RAND, 2001), pp.140–43.Google Scholar
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    USIS Washington File, Transcript: Clinton Blair White House Press Conference,February 6, 1998. http://www.fas.org/news/iraq/1998/02/06/98020602tpo.html
  36. 27.
    Nicholas J. Wheeler and Tim Dunne, “Good International Citizenship: A Third Way forBritish Foreign Policy,” International Affairs, Vol.74. No.4, 1998, p. 858; Speech by thePrime Minister on Foreign Affairs, Tuesday 15 December 1998. http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Pagell68.asp; Prime Minister’s Statement to Parliament ConcerningIraq, Thursday 17 December, 1998. http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Pagell69.aspCrossRefGoogle Scholar
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    Financial Times, March 30,1999, p. 2.Google Scholar
  38. 29.
    Quoted in Air Force Times, Vol. 60, No. 15 November 15, 1999, p. 29.Google Scholar
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    Wall Street Journal, December 7, 2000, http://interactive.wsj.co
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    Robert Wilkie, “Fortress Europa: European Defense and the Future of the North AtlanticAlliance,” Parameters, Vol. 32, No. 4, Winter, 2002–03, p. 41.Google Scholar
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    George W. Bush, “A Distinctly American Internationalism,” Ronald Reagan PresidentialLibrary, Simi Valley, California, November 19, 1999. http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/bush/wspeech.htmGoogle Scholar
  44. 35.
    Condoleezza Rice, “Promoting the National Interest,” Foreign Affairs, Vol.79, No.1, 2000, pp. 45–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  45. 36.
    Compare the Clinton administration’s Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace Operations (PDD-25) http://ww.fas.org/irp/offdocs/pdd25.htm with Governor George W. Bush, “A Distinctly American Internationalism.”
  46. 37.
    Lawrence Freedman and Efraim Karsh, The Gulf Conflict, 1990-1991: Diplomacy andWar in the New World Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 228–95.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., pp. 438-39.Google Scholar
  48. 39.
    Deutscher Bundestag, Stenographische Berichte, 198 Sitzung, 8 November, 2001.Google Scholar
  49. 40.
  50. 41.
    The President’s State of the Union Address, The United States Capital, Washington DC,January 29, 2002. http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01.
  51. 42.
    Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercise of the United States MilitaryAcademy, West Point, New York, June 1, 2002. http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/06.
  52. 43.
    Josef Joffe, “Neue Weltordnung,” Die Zeit, Politik, 07/2002. Also Bruce Stokes, “OurAllies New Slogan: Constrain America,” National Journal, Vol. 34/24, June 15, 2002, p.1803.Google Scholar
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    Financial Times, September 2, 2002; Washington Post, September 3, 2002.Google Scholar
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    See Richard Butler, The Greatest Threat: Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction and theCrisis of Global Security (New York: Public Affairs, 2001)Google Scholar
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    and Kenneth M. Pollack, TheThreatening Storm: The Case for Invading Iraq (New York: Random House, 2002).Google Scholar
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    Nico Fried, “Die Bagdad-Wahl,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, September 19, 20O2.BerlinerMorgenpost, September 9, 2002; Financial Times, September 5, 2002Google Scholar
  57. 46a.
    Helmut Jung, “Analyse der Bundestagswahl 2002,” Politische Studien, Vol.54, No.387, 2003, pp. 21–33.Google Scholar
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    François Heisbourg quoted in Neue Zürcher Zeitung, September 17, 2002. President Chirac stipulated that an attack on Iraq should be preceded by two resolutions,one demanding the return of UN weapons inspectors and a second to decide what todo should the inspectors be prevented from completing their work. Financial Times, September 10, 2002.Google Scholar
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    Philip H. Gordon and Jeremy Shapiro, Allies at War: America, Europe, and the Crisisover Iraq (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004); Hodge, pp. 90–97.Google Scholar
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    Remarks by the President of the United States, George W. Bush, to the Atlantic StudentSummit, Prague, 20 November, 2002. http://www.nato/int/docu/speech/2002/s021120f.htm
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    Hansard, March 18, 2003, Column 766.Google Scholar
  62. 51.
    See in particular Charles Kupchan, “The Atlantic Alliance lies in the rubble,” FinancialTimes, April 10, 2003Google Scholar
  63. 51a.
    and Stanley Hoffmann, “America Goes Backward,” The New YorkReview of Books, June 12, 2003.Google Scholar
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    François Heisbourg, “Can the Atlantic Alliance Last Out the Century?” InternationalAffairs, Vol. 63, No.3, 1987, pp. 413–23.Google Scholar
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    Gustav Lindstrom, “EU-US Burdensharing: Who Does What?” Chaillot Paper No. 86, September, 2005, pp. 79–81.Google Scholar
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    Ibid, p. 80.Google Scholar
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    Mark Joyce, “The Atlantic Alliance: Taking on the World; Stalling in Afghanistan,” RUSI Newsbrief, Vol. 25, no. 11, November, 2005, p. 125.Google Scholar
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    Paul Gallis, “NATO in Afghanistan: A Test of the Transatlantic Alliance,” CRS Reportfor Congress, August 22, 2006Google Scholar
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    Greg Mills and Terence McNamee, “Is NATO up to the Task in Afghanistan?” RUSI Newbrief, Vol. 26, No. 7, July, 2006, pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of the Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2007

Authors and Affiliations

  • Carl Cavanagh Hodge
    • 1
  1. 1.University of British Columbia-OkanaganCanada

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