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Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 4, Issue 1, pp 111–136 | Cite as

Transatlantic Relations Caught up by Reality

  • Ekavi Athanassopoulou
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Notes

  1. 1.
    Research for this paper was completed during a stay at the Pacific Council on International Policy (L.A.) as a German Marshall Fund of the United States European Visiting Research Fellow. A large part of research in the US was based on interviews; I would like to especially thank each and every one of the interviewees (who wished not to be quoted).Google Scholar
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  4. 2b.
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    Ekavi Athanassopoulou, Turkey: Anglo-American Security Interests 1945-1952; The First Enlargement of NATO (London, Frank Cass, 1999), p.217.Google Scholar
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    Athanassopoulou, Turkey, pp.214–17.Google Scholar
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    To which de Gaulle responded by saying that it was the right of any nation to act independently.Google Scholar
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    Ronald Steel, “The Abdication of Europe”, in James Chase and Earl C. Ravenal (eds), Atlantis Lost: U.S.-European Relations After the Cold War (New York, Council on Foreign Relations, 1976).Google Scholar
  11. 9.
    The ambiguous language which NATO intentionally used to describe it’s new Flexible Response deterrence doctrine (formally adopted in 1967) favoured by the US reflected the wish to maintain the political cohesion of the alliance rather than a resolution of their different security interests. Ivo H. Daalder, The Nature and Practice of Flexible Response. NATO Strategy and Theater Nuclear Forces Since 1967 (New York, Columbia University Press, 1991) p. 13.Google Scholar
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    See for instance, Karl Kaiser, “Europe and America: A Critical Phase”, Foreign Affairs, vol.52, no.4. July 1974.Google Scholar
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    Steel, “Abdication of Europe”, p.57.Google Scholar
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    Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time (Vintage Books, New York, 1976), p. 120.Google Scholar
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    Andrew J. Pierre, “America Faces Western Europe in the 1980s: Atlanticism Preserved, Disengagement, or Devolution?”, in Chase and Ravenal, Atlantis Lost, p. 191.Google Scholar
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    Robert J. Art, “Why Western Europe Needs the United States and NATO”, Political Science Quarterly, vol. III, no. 1, 1996. Art’s paper was based on more than a hundred interviews with leading European strategic planners. One of his major findings was that their biggest concern was that, if the US withdrew from Europe, European states would compete for power and influence among themselves.Google Scholar
  20. 18.
    The New York Times, 16 March 2002; Richard N. Haass, “Charting a New Course in the Transatlantic Relationship”, Remarks to the Centre for European Reform, London, 10 June 2002, available at www.state.gov/s/p/rem/10968.htm; Richard L. Russell, #x201C;NATO’s European Members: Partners or Dependents?”, The Naval War College Review, vol.LVl, no. 1, Winter 2003, available at www.nwc.navy.mil/press/Review/2003/winterpress/Review/2003/winter
  21. 19.
    This was the first time in NATO’s history that Article 5 had been formally invoked.Google Scholar
  22. 20.
    Russell, “Partners or Dependents?”.Google Scholar
  23. 21.
    Steven E. Meyer, “Carcass of Dead Policies: The Irrelevance of NATO”, Parameters (US Army War College Quarterly), vol.XXXIII, no.4, Winter 2003-4, pp.94-5, availiable at carlisle-www.army.mil/usawc/Parametersusawc/Parameters
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    These divisions occur not only across national borders but also within European countries.Google Scholar
  25. 23.
    “The Europe that Died”, The Economist, 2 June 2005.Google Scholar
  26. 24.
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    A National Security Strategy for the Global Age, The White House, Dec.2000, iv.Google Scholar
  32. 27.
    Similarly the less aggressive international leadership style employed by the second George W. Bush administration amounted to little more than a more clever public policy.Google Scholar
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    David Halberstam, War in A Time of Peace: Bush, Clinton and the Generals (New York, Simon and Schuster, 2002), p.229.Google Scholar
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    Rob de Wijk [no title], in Lindstrom, Lessons From Iraq, p.49.Google Scholar
  36. 31.
    American influential perceive global leadership to imply both responsibilities and freedoms that other nations do not haveGoogle Scholar
  37. 32.
    Conclusions based on the author’s interviews in 2002 and 2003 with prominent Democrats and Republicans in Washington D.C. and California.Google Scholar
  38. 33.
    Steel is using this to make the point that ‘Europe lacks a fundamental quality that a state needs to be a major global actor. It lacks a will to power’, Ronald Steel, “Europe: The Phantom Pillar”, in R. Laurence Moore and Maurizio Vaudagna (eds). The American Century in Europe (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2003), p.74.Google Scholar
  39. 34.
    On the contradiction in these two beliefs see. Walter LaFeber, “The United States and Europe in an Age of American Unilateralism”, in Moore, American Century in Europe, p.25.Google Scholar
  40. 35.
    Robert W. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson, The Imperial Temptation: The New World Order and America’s Purpose (New York, Council on Foreign Relations, 1992), p.57.Google Scholar
  41. 36.
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  42. 37.
    Following the controversy the 1992 Guidance was apparently reviewed, but its objectionable parts were not removed, only softened. Barton Gellman, ‘Pentagon Abandons Goal of Thwarting US Rivals’, The Washington Post, 24 May 1992.Google Scholar
  43. 38.
    David Armstrong, “Dick Cheney’s Song of America: Drafting a Plan for Global Dominance”, Harper’s (Oct 2002), p.81.Google Scholar
  44. 39.
    For an interesting study of Europe in this regard see Jeremy Rifkin, The European Dream: How Europe’s Vision of the Future Is Quietly Eclipsing the American Dream (New York, Tarcher, 2004).Google Scholar
  45. 40.
    Collectively Europe spends 160 billion euros per year on defence. (The US spends two thirds more than Europe).Google Scholar
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    European Council, “European Security Strategy, 12 Dec 2003”, in Antonio Missiroli (comp), From Copenhagen to Brussels: European Defence: Core Documents, vol.IV (Paris, Institute for Security Studies, Chaillot Papers, no.67, December 2003), p.328.Google Scholar
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    George W. Bush, 2001. “Remarks by the President to Students and Faculty at National Defense University.” Washington, D.C. Available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/200I/05/200J0501-10.htmlnews/releases/200I/05/200J0501-10.html; Donald Rumsfeld, “Toward 21st Century Deterrence.” The Wall Street Journal, 21 June 2001: A16.
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    Morten Kelstrup and Michael C. Williams (eds), International Relations Theory and the Politics of European Integration: Power, Security and Community (London, Routledge, 2000).Google Scholar
  49. 44.
    From Copenhaagen to Brussels, vol.IV, pp.324–333.Google Scholar
  50. 45.
    On US strategy during the second Bush administration see John Lewis Gaddis, “Grand Strategy in the Second Term”, Foreign Affairs, vol.84, no. 1. 2005.Google Scholar
  51. 46.
    International Herald Tribune, 28 Nov. 2005, p.3.Google Scholar
  52. 47.
    The Missile Defense Act of 1991 authorised the development of Theatre Missile Defense Systems and National Missile Defense Systems, to intercept and destroy a limited attack, although the US had not proposed a specific missile defence programme by the end of the Clinton Administration. The George W. Bush Administration made it clear in the hrst half of 2001 that it intended to proceed with research and development of a missile defence programme. European opposition to Bush’s missile defence plans has not been unanimous.Google Scholar
  53. 48.
    Reginald Dale, “Trans-Atlantic Dispute Over Arming China”, International Herald Tribune, 15 July 2004. US policy towards Israel has repeatedly caused great tension even with London.Google Scholar
  54. 49.
    John Vinocur, “U.S. Views Atlantic Ties with Labored Optimism”, International Herald Tribune, 22 Nov. 2005.Google Scholar
  55. 50.
    Henry Kissinger, The Troubled Partnership: A Re-appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance (New York, Doubleday, 1966), p.40.Google Scholar
  56. 51.
    Isaiah Berlin, “Two Concepts of Liberty”, in Henry Hardy (ed). The Proper Study of Mankind (London, Chatto and Windus, 1997), p. 197.Google Scholar
  57. 52.
    Many analysts tend to simplify the dynamics of tension in transatlantic relations by making a distinction, at most, between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ Europe, or those countries which clashed with the US over Iraq (France, Germany) and the other EU members (although European governments that supported Washington’s policy over the Iraq crisis did not always carry public opinion). While support for US policies is big among East European political leaders criticism of many US policies is strong across European national boundaries including Eastern Europe. au]51 In fact the cutting edge of anti-Americanism has been coming from the populist right.Google Scholar
  58. 54.
    For an interesting analysis that views the Atlantic divide as a struggle over post-Cold War identities within and among continental Europe, Britain, and the US at the heart of the Atlantic see Timothy Garton Ash, Free World: America, Europe, and the Surprising Future of the West (New York, Random House, 2004).Google Scholar
  59. 55.
    Clearly political success in a few European countries including France, Germany, Spain, has increasingly becoming also dependent on disagreeing with Washington on many of the most important international issues.Google Scholar
  60. 56.
    Certainly this is not a new point, but generally is made in reference to the pre-Second World War Europe, see for instance David Fromkin, In the Time of the Americans (New York, Alfred A Knopf, 1995).Google Scholar
  61. 57.
    Cited in Tucker, Imperial Temptation, p. 172.Google Scholar
  62. 58.
    Romano Prodi, “2000-2005: Shaping the New Europe”, Speech to the European Parliament, 15 Feb 2000, Strasbourg. The similarities in senior European officials’ understanding of what the essence and purpose of the EU political paradigm is, with those underlined by the early Americans, are striking. Daniel Webster, the 19th century American statesman and orator was declaring in a speech in 1826: “America held out the far different prospect of being able, ‘by the mere influence of civil liberty and religious toleration, to dry up these outpouring fountains of blood, and to extinguish these consuming fires of war,’” in Tucker, Imperial Temptation, 168.Google Scholar
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    Upon the victory in the Gulf War a jubilant President Bush told state government officials, “By God, we’ve kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all”, quoted in Douglas Little, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East Since1945 (London, I.B. Tauris, 2002), p.262.Google Scholar
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    David R. Gergen, “The Media and International Relations and Foreign Policy”, in David L. Boren and Edward J. Perkins (eds), Preparing America’s Foreign Policy for the 21” Century (University of Oklahoma Press: Norman, 1997), p.281.Google Scholar
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    Stephan Stetter, “Democratization without Democracy? The Assistance of the European Union for Democratization Processes in Palestine”, Mediterranean Politics, vol.8, no.2-3, 2003.Google Scholar
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    John J. Mearsheimer. “The False Promise of International Institutions”, International Security, vol.19, no.3, 1994/1995.Google Scholar
  68. 64.
    It has been argued that transatlantic relations are based on an Acquis Atlantique, that is defined as a set of five principles: a common transatlantic heritage; democracy; liberty; peace; prosperity, Peter Barschdorff, Facilitating Transatlantic Cooperation After the Cold War: An Acquis Atlantique (Palgrave, Lit Veriag, 2001), p.23; It is worth mentioning that currently the most important relationship between Europe and the US revolves around economic interests. In this field the two are partners as well as strong competitors..Google Scholar
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    Meyer, “The Irrelevance of NATO”, p.93.Google Scholar
  70. 66.
    A good example is the co-operation between Germany, the UK and France in dealing with the question of Iran’s nuclear programme.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Taylor & Francis Group 2006

Authors and Affiliations

  • Ekavi Athanassopoulou
    • 1
  1. 1.University of Athens and Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign PolicyGreece

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