Advertisement

Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 3, Issue 2, pp 199–215 | Cite as

American Exceptionalism: The Implications for Europe

  • John McCormick
Article

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    J. Bryan Collester, ‘How Defense ‘Spilled Over’ Into the CFSP: Western European Union (WEU) and the European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI)’, in Maria Green Cowles and Michael Smith (Eds) The State of the European Union: Risks, Reform, Resistance, and Revival (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    See Geir Lundestad, The United States and Western Europe Since 1945: From ‘Empire’ by Invitation to Transatlantic Drift (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Introduction.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. 3.
    Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (various editions and years), Vol. II, First Book, Chapter IX.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    de Tocqueville, ibid.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    For more details on the debate over the meaning and signficance of American excep- tionalism, see Trevor B. McCrisken, American Exceptionalism and the Legacy of Vietnam: US Foreign Policy Since 1974 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), Introduction.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  6. 6.
    Byron E. Shafer (ed), Is America Different? A New Look at American Exceptionalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. v.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    Ari Hoogenbloom, ‘American Exceptionalism: Republicanism as Ideology’, in Elizabeth Glaser and Herman Wellenreuther, Bridging the Atlantic: The Question of American Exceptionalism in Perspective (Washington DC: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 45.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    Koh, Harold Hongju, ‘Foreword: On American Exceptionalism’, in Stanford Law Review, 55:5, May 2003, pp. 1479–1527.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Edward C. Luck, ‘American Exceptionalism and International Organization: Lessons from the 1990s’, in Rosemary Foot, S. Neil MacFarlane and Michael Mastanduno (eds), US Hegemony and International Organizations: The United States and Multilateral Institutions (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 27.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Shafer, op. cit., p. vi.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword (New York: WW Norton, 1996), p. 13, 26, 27.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    For a debate on this issue, see Anatol Lieven, America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    Quoted in Michael Kazin, ‘The Right’s Unsung Prophet’, in The Nation, 248 (20 February 1989), p. 242.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword, op.cit., p. 31. Seymour Martin Lipset, ‘American Exceptionalism Reaffirmed’ in Shafer, op. cit.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    G.K. Chesterton, What I Saw in America (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1922), p. 7.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword, op.cit., p. 19.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    Clyde Wilcox and Ted G. Jelen, ‘Religion and Politics in an Open Market: Religious Mobilization in the United States’, in Ted G. Jelen and Clyde Wilcox (eds), Religion and Politics in Comparative Perspective: The One, the Few, and the Many (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 294–295.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    McCrisken, op. cit.. Chapter 5.Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    William J. Clinton, in speech at George Washington University, 5 August 1996.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword, op.cit.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Louise I. Shelley, ‘American Crime: An International Anomaly?’ in Comparative Social Research 8, 1985, p. 81.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword, op.cit., Chapters 2 and 3.Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    Will Hutton, The World We’ re In (London: Abacus, 2003), p. 36.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    Luck, op. cit., p. 27.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    George W. Bush, at White House press conference, Washington DC, 6 November 2001.Google Scholar
  26. 26.
    White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, September 2002Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    In order, they are Russia, China, Japan, Britain, France, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Italy, India, and South Korea.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword, op.cit., p. 47.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    For a discussion of the US ambivalence towards the international rule of law, see John Murphy, The United States and the Rule of Law in International Affairs (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  30. 30.
    Mary Ellen O’Connell, ‘American Exceptionalism and the International Law of SelfDefense’, in Denver Journal of International Law and Policy 31:1, September 2002.Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    Amnesty International, ‘Guantanamo and Beyond: The Continuing Pursuit of Unchecked Executive Power’, AMR 51/063/2005, 13 May 2005.Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    ‘Bush Says Amnesty Report ‘Absurd” on BBC News Online, https://doi.org/www.news.bbc.co.uk, 31 May 2005.
  33. 33.
  34. 34.
    For discussion, see Geoffrey Edwards, ‘The Problems and Possible Future Development of a European Identity in the European Union’, in Peter J. Anderson, Georg Wiessala and Christopher Williams (eds), New Europe in Transition (London: Continuum, 2000), andGoogle Scholar
  35. 34a.
    David Dunkerley, Lesley Hodgson, Stanislaw Konopacki, Tony Spybey and Andrew Thompson, Changing Europe: Identities, Nations and Citizens (London: Routledge, 2002).Google Scholar
  36. 35.
    See, for example, Worldviews Survey of American and European Attitudes and Public Opinion on Foreign Policy, undertaken by Chicago Council on Foreign Relations and German Marshall Fund, 2002; https://doi.org/www.worldviews.org
  37. 36.
    Pew Research Center poll, 18 March 2003.Google Scholar
  38. 37.
    Eurobarometer poll, October 2003.Google Scholar
  39. 38.
    Vaclav Havel, in address to the European Parliament, Strasbourg, 16 February 2000.Google Scholar
  40. 39.
    Roger Scruton, A Dictionary of Political Thought, 2nd ed (London: Macmillan, 1996), p. 180.Google Scholar
  41. 40.
    Search on Google search engine, August 2005.Google Scholar
  42. 41.
    Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida, ‘February 15, or What Binds Europe Together’ in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 31 May 2003, quoted inGoogle Scholar
  43. 41a.
    Rockwell A. Schnabel and Francis X. Rocca, The Next Superpower? The Rise of Europe and Its Challenge to the United States (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005), p. 88.Google Scholar
  44. 42.
    Timothy Garton Ash, Free World (London: Penguin, 2004), pp. 54–56.Google Scholar
  45. 43.
    Hutton, op.cit., pp. 54–58.Google Scholar
  46. 44.
    Robert Kagan, Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2003).Google Scholar
  47. 45.
    Clyde Prestowitz, Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (New York: Basic Books, 2003).Google Scholar
  48. 45a.
    T.D. Allman, Rogue State: America at War With the World (New York: Nation Books, 2004).Google Scholar
  49. 46.
    Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1990); and Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004).Google Scholar
  50. 47.
    ‘Bush Warns Iran on Nuclear Plans” on BBC News Online, https://doi.org/www.news.bbc.co.uk, 13 August 2005.
  51. 48.
    Jeremy Rifkin, The European Dream: How Europe’s Vision of the Future is Quietly Eclipsing the American Dream (New York: Jeremy Tarcher/Penguin, 2004)Google Scholar
  52. 49.
    See discussion in John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge, The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (New York: Penguin, 2004), orGoogle Scholar
  53. 49a.
    Thomas Frank, What’s the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004).Google Scholar
  54. 50.
    Figures from Allensbach Opinion Research Institute, National Opinion Research Center, and Pew Research Center, quoted in The Economist, ‘A Nation Apart’, 8 November 2003.Google Scholar
  55. 51.
    Hutton, op. cit., p 17.Google Scholar
  56. 52.
    For more details, see Susan Baker and John McCormick, ‘Sustainable Development: Comparative Understandings and Responses’, in Norman J. Vig and Michael G. Faure (Eds), Green Giants: Environmental Policy of the United States and the European Union (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004)Google Scholar
  57. 53.
    World Values Survey. Figures for 2002.Google Scholar
  58. 54.
    Crouch, Colin, ‘The Quiet Continent: Religion and Politics in Europe’, in David Marquand and Ronald L. Nettler (eds), Religion and Democracy (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000).Google Scholar
  59. 55.
    See Grace Davie, Religion in Britain Since 1945: Believing Without Belonging (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994) and Religion in Modem Europe: A Memory Mutates (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).Google Scholar
  60. 56.
    J. Christopher Soper and Joel Fetzer, ‘Religion and Politics in a Secular Europe: Cutting Against the Grain’, in Jelen and Wilcox, op. cit.Google Scholar
  61. 57.
    For discussion, see Carole Tonge, ‘A Christian Union?’ in New Humanist, 18:2, 1 June 2003.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of the Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2005

Authors and Affiliations

  • John McCormick
    • 1
  1. 1.Department of Politicai ScienceIndiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)USA

Personalised recommendations