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Journal of Transatlantic Studies

, Volume 2, Issue 2, pp 125–142 | Cite as

The Glasnost Effect on Soviet/Cuban Relations

  • Mervyn J. Bain
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Notes

  1. 1.
    Mesa-Lago, C. Cuba in the 1970s Pragmatism and Institutionalization, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1974Google Scholar
  2. 1a.
    Levesque, J. The USSR and the Cuban Revolution. Soviet Ideological and Strategic Perspectives, Praeger Publishers, New York, 1978. For figures for the level of Cuba’s debt to the Soviet Union see Sevodnya 13 January 1995, p. 3.Google Scholar
  3. 2.
    For an outline of changes in Soviet foreign policy see: Lynch, A. Gorbachev’s International Outlook: International Origins and Political Consequences, Occasional Paper Series 9, Institute for East-West Security Studies, New York, p. 3.Google Scholar
  4. 3.
    In the early 1960s Peking had started to challenge Moscow as the leader of the world socialist movement due to ideological differences. If Moscow “lost” Cuba it would give further credence to Peking’s beliefs. Boughton, +G.J. Soviet-Cuban Relations 1956–1972, Michigan State University PhD Thesis, 1972, p. 10.Google Scholar
  5. 4.
    Sevodnya 13 January 1995, p. 3.Google Scholar
  6. 5.
  7. 6.
    Gorbachev, M.S. Zhizn 1 Reformy Kniga 2, “Novosti”, Moscow, 1995, p. 277.Google Scholar
  8. 7.
    Pravda 24 April 1985, p. 1.Google Scholar
  9. 8.
    Lynch, A. “Does Gorbachev Matter Anymore?” in Foreign Affairs, 69 Summer, 1990, p. 25Google Scholar
  10. 8a.
    White, S. Gorbachev and After, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991, pp. 12–14 &Google Scholar
  11. 8b.
    Sakwa, R. Gorbachev and his Reforms 1985 to 1990, Philip Allan, New York, 1990, pp. 20–25.Google Scholar
  12. 9.
    Pravda 26 February 1986, p. 5.Google Scholar
  13. 10.
    Gorbachev, M.S. Zhizn I Reformy Kniga 2, p. 287.Google Scholar
  14. 11.
    Rahr, A. ‘Winds of Change Hit Foreign Ministry’ in Radio Liberty Research 16 July 1986, RL 274/86, pp. 2–10.Google Scholar
  15. 12.
    Lynch, A. Gorbachev’s International Outlook: Intellectual Origins and Political Consequences, Occasional Paper Series 9, Institute for East-West Security Studies, New York, p. 41.Google Scholar
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  17. 14.
    Lynch, A. “Does Gorbachev Matter Anymore?” in Foreign Affairs, p. 24 & Lynch, A. Gorbachev’s International Outlook, p. 40.Google Scholar
  18. 15.
    Ibid. pp. 32–34.Google Scholar
  19. 16.
    This debate was particularly prevalent in the Reagan administration. Morley, M.H. Imperial State and Revolution. The United States and Cuba 1952–1986, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987, p. 366.Google Scholar
  20. 17.
    Lynch, A. Gorbachev’s International Outlook, p. 35.Google Scholar
  21. 18.
  22. 19.
    White, S. Gorbachev and After, pp. 70–73.Google Scholar
  23. 20.
    Supplement to Granma 21 April 1986.Google Scholar
  24. 21.
  25. 22.
    Pravda 30 October 1985, p. 4. Ligachev was the Soviet government’s representative at the 3rd Congress of the PCC held in Havana in February 1986. Granma 6 February 1986, p. 7.Google Scholar
  26. 23.
    No direct change in Soviet policy towards Cuba occurred at this congress but in his address to it Gorbachev made no reference to national liberation movements. This was the first time since the 1960s that a General Secretary had made this omission and signalled the reforms that were being implemented to foreign policy, As Cuba still supported these movements in 1986 the Caribbean island could have portrayed this as a snub. Pravda 26 February 1986, p. 6.Google Scholar
  27. 24.
    For a typical example see Literturnaya Gazeta 21 october 1987, p. 14.Google Scholar
  28. 25.
    Granma 21 October 1986, p. 6.Google Scholar
  29. 26.
    Gorbachev and Fidel’s speeches at the Congress of People’s Power see: Pravda 6 April 1989, p. 1 & Granma 5 April 1989, p. 4.For the treaty see: Granma 5 April 1989, p. 3.Google Scholar
  30. 26a.
    Pavlov, Y. Soviet-Cuban Alliance 1959–1991, Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, 1994, p. 138.Google Scholar
  31. 27.
    Pravda 11 January 1990, p. 6.Google Scholar
  32. 28.
    Izvestia 12 September 1991, p. 1.Google Scholar
  33. 29.
    Literturnaya Gazeta 21 October 1987, p. 14.Google Scholar
  34. 30.
    Bogomolov wrote a particularly scathing article about the eastern province of Oriente entitled “Plans by the Ocean. Joumalist Raises Problems” in Pravda 1 June 1987, p. 5 & for other articles see: Pravda 25 July 1987, p. 4.Google Scholar
  35. 31.
    Chirkov, V. “An Uphill Task” in New Times, 33, (17 August 1987), pp. 16–17 & Rodriguez, C.R. “A Difficult But Steady Ascent” in New Times, 41, (19 October 1987), pp. 16–21.Google Scholar
  36. 32.
    Chirkov, V. in New Times 33, 1987, p. 16.Google Scholar
  37. 33.
    Ibid. p. 17.Google Scholar
  38. 34.
    Rodriguez, C.R. in New Times 41, 1987, pp. 16–21.Google Scholar
  39. 33.
    Ibid. p. 17.Google Scholar
  40. 36.
    Kortunov, A. “Generosity or Wastefulness?” in Moskovskiye Novostii no 49, (3 December 1989) &Google Scholar
  41. 36a.
    Kortunov, A. “Azucar que sabe a amargo” in America Latina no4 (1990), pp. 31–32.Google Scholar
  42. 37.
    Izvestia_9 June 1989, p. 10.Google Scholar
  43. 38.
    Izvestia 31 July 1989, p. 2.Google Scholar
  44. 39.
    Izvestia 24 July 1990, p. 1.Google Scholar
  45. 40.
    Argumenty i Fakty No12, March 1991, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar
  46. 41.
    Kiva, A. in International Affairs (10), 1991, p. 31.Google Scholar
  47. 42.
    Leonov, N. “A Glorious Son of Latin America” in Kommunist no 4, (March 1985), pp. 81–92.Google Scholar
  48. 43.
    Mironov, V. “Ernesto Che Guevara:hombre-revolucion (Primera parte)” in America Latina no 3 (1986), pp. 35–45 &Google Scholar
  49. 43a.
    Mironov, V. “Ernesto Che Guevara:hombre-revolucion (Segunda parte)” in America Latina no4 (1986), pp. 61–69.Google Scholar
  50. 44.
    “En torno a un articulo sobre Che-Discusiones, Criterios” in America Latina no11 (1987), pp. 37–41.Google Scholar
  51. 45.
    Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda 28 August 1990, p. 2. (FBIS-SOV 4 September 1990, pp. 44–45, PM3108115990).Google Scholar
  52. 46.
    Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda 18 October 1990, p. 3.Google Scholar
  53. 47.
    Pravda 26 October 1990, p. 5.Google Scholar
  54. 48.
    The official reason for the delayed opening of the Fourth congress of the PCC had been due to the preparation for the PanAmerican games in Cuba but rumours circulated that suggested the Cuban government had wanted to see how the coup in Moscow would turn out and that internal splits in the PCC had caused the delay. See Komsomolskaya Pravda 10 October 1991, p. 1 (FBIS-SOV 10 October 1991, p. 18, PM1010110791) & Izvestia 19 September 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
  55. 49.
    Izvestia 2 September 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
  56. 50.
    lzvestia 2 September 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
  57. 51.
    S. Mikoyan, editor of America Latina, son of former Politburo member Anastas who had close ties to Cuba from the inception of the relationship between Moscow and Havana, was a staunch defender of Cuba and its relationship with the Soviet Union. For example see: FBIS-SOV 11 September 1990, pp. 26–27, PY1109034090.Google Scholar
  58. 52.
    Granma 5 April 1989, p. 3 & Granma 28 July 1989, p. 4.Google Scholar
  59. 53.
    See various copies of Revista de Estudios Europeos, Investigaciones, Revista Interamericana & Cuaernos de Nuestra America from 1991.Google Scholar
  60. 54.
    Granma 8 December 1989, p. 4.Google Scholar
  61. 55.
    See: Pravda 6 April 1989 & InternationalAffairs January 1990, p. 74.Google Scholar
  62. 56.
    Pavlov, Y. Soviet-Cuban Alliance 1959–1991, 1994, p. 138.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Board of the Journal of Transatlantic Studies 2004

Authors and Affiliations

  • Mervyn J. Bain
    • 1
  1. 1.University of AberdeenUK

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