Abstract
In 2003, the EU’s European Security Strategy called for the development of “strategic partnerships” with established and emerging powers to support and reinforce the advancement of European goals and values globally. The extent to which relations with the identified partners are genuinely strategic has been widely debated in both the policy and academic communities. This paper assesses how the EU’s strategic partnership with the USA has been impacted by the Presidency of Donald Trump as a significant aberration from the “normal” condition of the transatlantic relationship. Even in the domain of trade politics—arguably where the EU enjoys the greatest scope to act strategically—the status quo ante has been disrupted. Drawing on Michael Smith’s frameworks for assessing different elements of strategic partnerships, I argue that during 2017–2021 the EU faced a stern test but also showed signs of strategic adaptation. Yet it fell short of an “ideal” strategic approach to relations with the USA, evincing tendencies towards concentrating on managing the relationship at a technical level and/or reacting to Trump’s behaviour.
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Notes
European Council (2003).
Ibid.
Smith (2019).
Hamilton (2014).
Peterson (2018).
Larres (2020).
Blanco (2016).
Brown (2018).
Smith (2016).
Hallahan et al. (2007).
Serrano-Velarde (2015).
Entman (1993).
Daviter (2007).
I disagree with Smith’s emphasis on consistency; there are situations where changing the framing is necessary and can be achieved without rendering the label of “strategic partnership” inapplicable.
Smith (2016).
O’Neill (2018).
Smith (2016).
Hoffmeister (2015).
Elgström (2007).
Smith (2016).
Steffenson (2005).
Council of the EU (2014).
Lucarelli (2006).
Framing: “How and to what extent has the EU been able to establish a consistent framing discourse that has shaped its policies towards its key partners?”.
Negotiation: “How and to what extent has the EU been able to shape through negotiation a framework of institutions and norms that can govern its relationship with strategic partners?”.
Smith (2016).
Smith (2019).
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Riddervold and Newsome (2018).
Peterson (2018).
Renard (2016).
Council of the EU (2020).
Young (2016).
European Commission (2020a).
Drisko and Maschi (2015).
Entman (1993).
Drisko and Maschi (2015).
Consistent with QCA methodological options, per Drisko and Maschi (2015).
Paterson (2012).
Kortweg (2015).
US-EU High Level Working Group on Jobs and Growth (2013).
Council of the EU (2014).
Obama and Tusk (2015).
Young (2016).
Obama and Tusk (2015).
The Economist (2016).
Borger (2016).
Garcia Bercero (2016).
The Economist (2016).
Cited by Faiola (2016).
Inside US Trade (2016).
Dean et al. (2017).
Inside US Trade (2017).
Malmström (2017).
Galindo (2018).
Cited by Beesley and Donnan (2017).
Rose (2018).
Cited by Burchard and Hanke Vela (2018).
US-EU (2018).
Ibid.
Cited by Kennedy (2018).
Cited by Palmer and Moens (2020).
Euractiv (2020).
European Commission (2020b).
Smith (2019).
European Commission (2018b).
Beesley and Donnan (2017).
Cited by Leonard (2017).
European Commission (2018a).
Cited by Dawson and Zumbrun (2018).
Sandford (2018).
European Commission (2018b).
Ibid.
O’Hagan (2018).
US-EU (2018).
Serhan (2018).
Alden (2020).
Baschuk (2020).
Hanke Vela (2020).
Asimov (1953).
Arguably, this can be said about Trump as President generally.
Karnitschnig (2020).
High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (2020).
Cited by Simon (2020).
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Brown, S.A.W. The art of the deal? The EU’s strategic adaptation to Trump’s transatlantic trade policy. J Transatl Stud 20, 184–212 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s42738-022-00097-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s42738-022-00097-2