Abstract
NATO’s endurance is unique relative to alliances and other intergovernmental organizations of the post-Westphalian system. The degree to which NATO endures or indeed thrives appears to be a function of the continued relevance of the old security agenda and the concomitant importance of the new agenda that member states have thrust upon it. The paradox is that it remains increasingly difficult for NATO to achieve its objectives in both spheres—that is, in terms of adequately deterring Russia and assuring the newest member states of Eastern Europe, while simultaneously safeguarding the south from an array of sub-state or non-state actor challenges.
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Notes
The author is indebted to Sten Rynning, Jordan Becker, Andrew Cottey, and David Dunn for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article.
The alliance avoided engagement in crises outside Europe during the Cold War. Moreover, although the conventional wisdom is that NATO ameliorated bilateral rivalries among allies, some argue the alliance did just the opposite—i.e., that membership in NATO freed smaller member states to focus on their regional rivals. For example, since Greece and Turkey joined the alliance, NATO’s southeastern flank has been riven with conflict—see Krebs [13]. As cited by Krebs, see also Jervis [14] for a similar story regarding Spain and how it turned to focus on long-standing regional rivalries after it acceded to the alliance.
From June 2005 to December 2007, NATO provided air transport for some 37,000 African Union personnel conducting peacekeeping activities in Sudan.
Initially, NATO enforced a no-fly zone, and then, on March 31, 2011, NATO took over sole command and control of all military operations for Libya, including enforcing an arms embargo and conducting air and naval strikes against military forces involved in attacks or threats to attack Libyan civilians and civilian-populated areas.
See Yost [15].
See NATO [18].
In October 2016, NATO terminated Operation Active Endeavor—focused on detecting and deterring terrorist activity in the Mediterranean—and replaced it with Operation Sea Guardian, a flexible maritime operation able to perform the full range of maritime security operations tasks.
Figures from NATO [19].
See NATO [20].
See NATO [21].
See NATO [22].
See Deni [23].
Interview with a civilian member of NATO’s international secretariat, July 15, 2014.
See Allied Command Transformation [26].
See NATO [27].
There is a rich international relations theory literature existing on the Alliance. See, for example, Webber and Price [28].
See Walt [29].
See Altfeld [30].
This is the case at least theoretically. Finland provides an example of a country that is very proximate to a threat but that exhibited no external balancing behavior, particularly during the Cold War.
See Thompson [31].
See Johnston [34].
Wallander and Keohane [35].
See Barnett and Levy [38].
See Thies [39].
See House overwhelmingly backs NATO mutual defense [40].
See Schimmelfennig [41].
See Ackerman [42].
See O'Brien [43].
See Stanley-Becker [44].
See Haas [45]. Haas defines organizational learning as a reexamination of the purposes of the organization in question, based on a knowledge-mediated, decision-making dynamic. Incremental growth occurs when member states or organizational leaders add new tasks to older ones without any change in the organization’s decision-making methodology. Finally, turbulent non-growth occurs when there are major changes in organizational decision-making, ends no longer cohere, and there are significant disconnects between ends and means.
See Gheciu [46].
See Deni [47].
Interview with a civilian member of NATO’s international staff, July 15, 2014.
For an examination of how this applies to the USA, see Brands and Feaver [50].
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Deni, J.R. Staying alive by overeating? The enduring NATO alliance at 70. J Transatl Stud 17, 157–173 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1057/s42738-019-00012-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s42738-019-00012-2