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European integration and British membership: Still an intergovernmentalist story?

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Abstract

This article compares the formation of national preferences and interstate bargains for the two historical decisions on British membership, the accession of the UK to the European Communities and British exit from the European Union. While both resemble in their procedure to overcome intra-party division by announcing a referendum about the outcome of interstate bargains, the closer inspection suggests a transformation from a socioeconomic toward ideological foundation of the national preference on British membership and from intergovernmental bargaining effectiveness toward two-level game (in)voluntary defection.

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Notes

  1. As a third question, Moravcsik (1998) also refers to the motivation for their institutional choices, which determine the transfer of national sovereignty to the EU [for a critique, see Tsebelis and Garrett (2001) “The Institutional Foundations of Intergovernmentalism and Supranationalism in the European Union].

  2. Only some limits to in-work benefits for EU immigrants were agreed upon, but these would apply on a sliding scale for 4 years and would be for new immigrants only; before they could be applied, a country would have to get permission from the European Council. Child benefit payments could still be made overseas, but these would be linked to the cost of living in the other country. On sovereignty, the UK was reassured that it would not be required to participate in "ever closer union"; these reassurances were "in line with existing EU law". Cameron's demand to allow national parliaments to veto proposed EU laws was modified to allow national parliaments collectively to object to proposed EU laws, in which case the European Council would reconsider the proposal before deciding what to do. On economic governance, anti-discrimination regulations for non-Eurozone members would be reinforced, but they would be unable to veto any legislation. The final two areas covered were proposals to "exclude from the scope of free movement rights, third country nationals who had no prior lawful residence in a Member State before marrying a Union citizen" and to make it easier for member states to deport EU nationals for public policy or public security reasons. The extent to which the various parts of the agreement would be legally binding is complex; no part of the agreement itself changed EU law, but some parts could be enforceable in international law.

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König, T. European integration and British membership: Still an intergovernmentalist story?. Eur Polit Sci 18, 117–125 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-018-0154-y

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