Abstract
New archival evidence reveals how UK governments, since the 1970s, have been concerned primarily with domestic courts encroaching on executive powers rather than those of the legislature. Alongside the Human Rights Act 1998, a mechanism of judicial ‘deference’ to Parliament evolved to justify courts deferring to an act of Parliament, or to decisions of the legislature, or executive. As this article argues, failure to clarify which of these three is at play has served as a helpful vehicle for Governments to convey the powerful narrative of courts using human rights frameworks to usurp the democratic powers of Parliament as legislature at times of conflict between the courts and the executive. In the prisoner voting debate, actors thus successfully invoked ‘parliamentary sovereignty’ to generate an emotive narrative that the European Court of Human Rights was usurping the powers of ‘Parliament’ when instead the Court, supported by the UK legal community, was challenging the dangerous precedent set by the UK Divisional Court’s deference, in 2001, to the executive. Interview data demonstrate how the 2011 backbench parliamentary debate to flout Strasbourg’s judgments was largely manufactured to curtail the ECHR mechanism which empowers domestic courts to effectively hold the government to account.
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Notes
From the author’s interviews conducted 2012–2017, forthcoming in H. Hardman, Complying with the ECHR: the role of public debate in electoral reform, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
In coalition with the Liberal Democrat Party 2010–2015.
Term used to advocate incorporation of the ECHR into UK law by both Conservatives (Lord Hailsham) and Labour (John Smith) while in opposition in 1978 and 1992 (Klug 2012, pp. 32,34).
Letter, Anthony Crosland to Prime Minister [August, 1976], PREM 16/1294.
Minute, 21.12.1976 to Prime Minister on Cabinet meeting of 10.6.1976, PREM 16/1294.
Minute, Samuel Silkin to Prime Minister, 13.12.1976, PREM 16/1294.
Report, Working Group on Human Rights, [1976], PREM 16/1294.
Minute, Secretary of State for Trade to Cabinet and Prime Minister, 7.1.1977, FCO 33/3312.
Letter, Minister of Defence to Prime Minister, 4.1.1977, FCO 33/3312.
Home Office memorandum to Cabinet, 21.1.1977, FCO 33/3312.
Minute, Law Officers to Prime Minister, 22.7.1987, PREM 19/2295.
Letter, Douglas Hurd to Prime Minister, 6.4.1987, PREM 19/2295.
Letter, Shirley Stagg to Nigel Wicks, 30.3.1987, PREM 19/2295.
‘Human Rights’, Home Secretary’s minutes 13.5.1985; 10.7.1985, PREM 19/1756.
Ibid.
Letter, Leon Brittan to Geoffrey Howe, 29.7.1985, PREM 19/1756.
Letter 5.11.1990, HO 273/28.
Ibid.
Discussion paper, April 1990, HO 273/28.
Under Sect. 10 of the HRA the Government may take remedial action without consulting Parliament, and for example, amend legislation as they consider necessary to remove the incompatibility (HRA, 10(2); Schedule 2(2)).
MJE Fretwell, memorandum to Mr Goulding on the Lord President’s seminar on Parliamentary Sovereignty and the EEC, 17.12.1974, FCO 30/2455.
MJE Fretwell, 17.12.1974 memorandum to Mr Goulding on the Lord President’s seminar on Parliamentary Sovereignty and the EEC, FCO 30/2455.
Annex 3: Scotland, FCO 41/91 UK implementation of ECHR 1967–1968.
Chairing the Home Office Working Group.
28/42 speeches and 19/26 interventions by other MPs.
Conservative: 180 km; Labour: 331 km; Liberal Democrat: 376 km. Distances calculated using https://distancecalculator.globefeed.com/UK_Distance_Calculator.asp.
voting in favour; one MP voting against.
33% in favour; 4% against.
10% in favour; 24% against.
The average distance for those that voted: Conservatives: 171 km; Labour: 326 km; Liberal Democrat: 249 km. So, comparing with averages cited in note 26, distance was only significantly less for Liberal Democrats that voted.
Labour turnout: North East:55%; London:52%; East Midlands:38%; West Midlands:37%; Yorkshire Humber:35%; Scotland:34%; Wales:33%; South West:33%; North West:28%; South East:0% East of England:0%. Conservative turnout: West Midlands:80%; South West:77%; East of England:76%; East Midlands:76%; London:75%; South East:72%; Yorkshire Humber:71%; North West:53%; Wales:50%; North East:50%.
The search entailed tweets#bbcqt @bbcquestiontime posted on 4.11.2010.
Between 7.1.2011 and 23.12.2013 only 5 MPs were convicted and given prison sentences.
There was no guarantee the jury at Jim Devine’s trial would reach a guilty verdict, nor would do so quickly, but this might have been anticipated because Devine’s was reported beforehand as a ‘very straightforward’ case of false accounting (Davies 2011; PA 2011; Seamark 2011) and juries generally deliberate less over alleged economic crimes (Meitl et al. 2017).
‘One ex-Labour Cabinet Minister, two Labour MPs, one Liberal Democrat and two Tories’ (Carlin 2011).
Whether the issue of expenses was a factor in how they voted was not raised at interview with serving MPs because of ethical considerations.
The Conservative Party pledged in a policy document 2014 ‘Protecting human rights in the UK’ to present Strasbourg with an ultimatum that European Court judgments were to be advisory only, amounting to withdrawal from the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court (Article 46), in breach of protocol 11 and ultimately withdrawal from the ECHR. The Conservative Party manifesto (2015, p. 60) declared ‘we have stopped prisoners from having the right to vote’ and maintained the Government would ‘scrap the HRA’.
Private Members’ Bill, sponsored by Christopher Chope, Convicted prisoners voting bill 2014–2015; 2015–2016.
HC Bill 192.
Since 1994 when NGOs and groups of individuals were granted powers to file applications at the European Court, NGOs have acquired a more prominent role in the process of the Court’s adjudication which has generated greater human rights advocacy in the UK and elsewhere (Cichowski 2011).
Requiring an Act of Parliament to trigger Article 50 TEU but no necessary consultation with the devolved assemblies (Miller and another).
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Hardman, H. In the name of parliamentary sovereignty: conflict between the UK Government and the courts over judicial deference in the case of prisoner voting rights. Br Polit 15, 226–250 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41293-019-00110-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41293-019-00110-x