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Legacy work: three strategies of adversarial meaning-making of historical characters

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Abstract

Memory struggles over historical characters in contentious politics have often been framed as reputation struggles in which the valence of a character is disputed by adversarial groups. However, antagonist actors often invoke and appropriate the same revered character to endorse contradicting political goals. These struggles often revolve around a different dimension of the character’s memory: the significance of the character’s legacy. In this study, I examine three strategies employed to battle over the political legacy of Mexican President Lázaro Cárdenas. I introduce the term Legacy Work to explain how actors in contentious politics transform or preserve the meaning of political legacies and provide a sociological answer to the question “What would leaders of the past have us do today?”

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Notes

  1. Some of these works, explicitly name that inheritance “legacy” (Auyero 2001, p. 195; Fong et al. 2017; Polletta 1998) while others do so only implicitly (Fine 2001, pp. 95–130; Schwartz 1996, 1997).

  2. See for example the interchangeable use of reputation and legacy in the cases of Christopher Columbus (Schuman et al. 2005; Wilford 1991), Joan of Arc (DeSoucey et al. 2008), Yitzhak Rabin (Azaryahu 2012) and Martin Luther King Jr. (Alderman 2002).

  3. See Rudy (1997, p. 54) for an example of this debate.

  4. Immediately in the aftermath of the revolution, the ruling elite and its state apparatuses subjected the memory of the 1910 Revolution to a mythification process, eventually transforming it into a mythical and seminal historic event mediating all of Mexican history (Knight 2010). Mexican historian Enrique Krauze pointedly describes the primacy of the revolution as an event that Mexicans move “through it” or “against it”, saying that “in it we ground our future development” (Krauze 1997, p. 25) and that has had the power to reorient the Mexican narrative and shape not only future but also past events.

  5. Liberal contemporary thinkers resented the PRI’s totalizing nationalism for its “ideological cooptation” of liberalism. They felt robbed of their heroes’ contribution to Mexican history by a political vehicle that subsumed their symbols and leaders into a class-oriented, collectivist, and populist nationalism (Aguilar Rivera 2013). This kind of symbolic appropriation by the revolutionary forces in their hegemonic era served as an important prelude to the rise of post-hegemonic identities and new symbolic interpretations to take place at the end the twentieth century.

  6. In 2013 Mexico produced 2.9 million barrels of oil a day compared to 4 million barrels of oil per day in 2004 (EIA 2014).

  7. These newspapers were selected for their distinctive political and ideological positions: La Jornada is clear a leftist marker in the Mexican press, whereas El Universal has portrayed a more centrist standpoint. Lastly, Reforma has historically held a more liberal and critical attitude towards the Mexican government. For an historical and political overview of the Mexican press see Lawson (2002).

  8. By analyzing the query Reforma Energética in Google Trends, I identified two interest peaks surrounding the reform in Mexico: The week following the presidential announcement of the reform, and the three weeks leading to official promulgation.

  9. The Ancien régime category in Mexican political culture is used to blame older regimes and mainstream governmental orientations for preventing the nation’s full modernization and the national subject’s liberation.

  10. Neoliberalism-inspired reforms in corporatist economies usually push precisely the hybrid forms of government and control such as those promoted by Peña Nieto, combining private capital and state elements under new forms of regulation (Jessop 2002). A neoliberal orientation includes consideration of local arrangements, material and ideological impediments, and institutional forms when implementing possible changes within a given context. See also Snyder, 2001 on new hybrid models of regulation in Mexico.

  11. Adhering to the critique of Jasper (1997), Benford (1997), Benford and Snow (2000), and Jansen (2007) among others, here I argue that the contentment with the use of frames to elucidate resonance, may reduce a cultural process of meaning-making to a quasi-Pavlovian conditioning in the process of mobilization.

  12. The presidential residence.

  13. 96% of assets privatized were sold under the administration of President Salinas de Gortari. 90% of those involved sales of control or majority holdings (La Porta and López-de-Silanes 1999).

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  • [R55] López, Mayolo. 2013. “Destaca Peña avance clave,” Reforma, December 14. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1467920884?accountid=7118).

  • [R56] López, Jonás. 2013. “Frenan granaderos protesta por alza,” Reforma, December 15. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1468138577?accountid=7118).

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  • [R59] López, Alejandra. 2013. “Traerá la reforma nuevos reguladores,” Reforma, December 16. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1468409121?accountid=7118).

  • [R60] Jiménez, Benito. 2013. “Causa Oposición Daños a Cámara,” Reforma, December 16. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1468410163?accountid=7118).

  • [R61] Hernández, Érika. 2013. “Prevé EPN promulgar reforma ‘de inmediato’,” Reforma, December 17. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1468616997?accountid=7118).

  • [R62] López, Mayolo, and Claudia Salazar. 2013. “Valida el congreso reforma energética,” Reforma, December 19. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1469284403?accountid=7118).

  • [R63] Hernández, Érika. 2013. “Celebra Peña en gira civilidad y acuerdos,” Reforma, December 19. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1469284470?accountid=7118).

  • [R64] Hernández, Érika, and Mayolo López. 2013. “Promulga hoy Peña la reforma energética,” Reforma, December 20. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1469703143?accountid=7118).

  • [R65] Maya, Arcelia. 2013. “Piden a la sociedad rechazar legislación,” Reforma, December 21. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1470069635?accountid=7118).

  • [R66] López, Mayolo, and Claudia Salazar. 2013. “‘Superamos mitos’,” Reforma, December 21. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1470070665?accountid=7118).

  • [R67] García, Adán. 2013. “Advierte Zambrano regreso del viejo PRI,” Reforma, December 21. Retrieved (http://ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.utexas.edu/docview/1470070713?accountid=7118).

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Sara Helman, Philip Smith, Javier Auyero, James Jasper, Michael Young, Daniel Fridman, Christine Williams, Dan Kotliar, Inbal Leibovits, Nino Bariola, Patrick Sheehan, Elizabeth Nimmons, Erika Slaymaker, Eyal Weinberg, the anonymous reviewers and the fellows at the Urban Ethnography Lab at the University of Texas at Austin for their contribution to this manuscript.

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  1. Department of Sociology, The University of Texas at Austin, 305 E 23rd St, A1700 RLP 3.306, Austin, TX, 78712-1086, USA

    Eldad J. Levy

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Levy, E.J. Legacy work: three strategies of adversarial meaning-making of historical characters. Am J Cult Sociol 9, 518–554 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-019-00095-6

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