However, in the resurgent culture wars, objects become interpellated in complementary fantasies of mastery and denial anew. For example, in a further form of colonial paternalism, an excuse against repatriation by Western museums has been to set conditions to other countries that they can have their objects back only if they provide an adequate museological infrastructure. Aside from the fact that many of the objects in Western museum collections were never meant to be displayed but used or destroyed as part of collective ritual (for example, in Oceanic and African societies masks were often burned after ceremonies), this excuse also imposes Western and fast outdated notions of the modern museum and the preservation of ‘heritage’ onto other cultures that may have different ideas about conservation and historical transmission. The question remains, whose stories are visible in these museum spaces and how do they serve their audiences?
In 2017, President Emmanuel Macron made an unprecedented announcement that France would enact ‘temporary or permanent restitution’ of objects of African heritage housed in its museums. He subsequently commissioned economist Felwine Sarr and art historian Bénédicte Savoy to write a report on restitution. Their report, The Restitution of African Cultural Heritage: Toward a New Relational Ethics (2018), a 252-page document consisting of three densely researched sections and for which 150 African interlocutors were consulted, was falsely interpreted by the media as calling for an out-and-out evacuation of museums, especially from the Musée du quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in Paris, which contains 70,000 of the estimated 80,000 African objects in French museums. Although on receipt of the report Macron ordered the return of 26 objects looted from Benin, and in his initial announcement had said restitution would take place within five years, according to Sally Price (in Price and Hicks, 2020), only one object had been ‘returned’ by January 2021, a Senegalese sword which was already on loan to a museum in Dakar. (The ‘loan’ was thereby extended for five years.) The final section of Sarr and Savoy’s report addresses the legal frameworks that make restitution very difficult if not in part impossible, as they require governments and courts to change laws around provenance. Such legalities are beyond the scope of this special issue let alone our introduction, but it is interesting to note that discussion and acts of restitution in the UK are equally fraught. Some regional museums are moving at considerably greater speed, and with more willingness, because they are not bound by the imperial constraints of British provenance law. For example, the Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, which ‘owns’ one of the largest collections of objects from Benin, has stated that if a claim is made, the expectation is that all Beninese works looted during an 1897 British military campaign would be returned, whereas the British Museum and other national institutions such as the Victoria and Albert Museum are prevented from doing the same by the British Museum Act 1963 and the Heritage Act 1983 (Bakare, 2021). If restitution is to become a reality, decolonial curatorial practice in itself will not suffice without wide-ranging political and legislative change.
Artists’ voices are very much to the fore of the debate, not least thanks to art’s capacity to negotiate and even overcome the impasses of trauma (cf. Pollock, 2013).Footnote 9 Sarr and Savoy briefly refer to several contemporary artists in their report on restitution, most notably the French-Algerian artist Kader Attia, whose concept of repair in his vast installation The Repair from Occident to Extra-Occidental Cultures
(2012) is a model of how the exchange of objects between and across cultures might be rethought in terms that include the agency of colonised peoples. Taking inspiration from the repair of African objects – calabashes in particular – and the Japanese craft of kintsugi, Attia proffers a notion of repair that retains the visibility of the damage or wound. Rather than repair as a return to a prior wholeness or unity, repair is posited as a process of negotiation between damage and its suture that acknowledges the history and the time of the object and/or event, including the wounds of colonialism. Attia’s concept of repair is uncannily reminiscent of Melanie Klein’s psychoanalytic notion of reparation in which the latter, rather than simply making good on the psychic damage done to the mother’s body in the infant’s paranoid-schizoid phase, is a process of maintaining the ambivalence of good and bad, wholeness and damage in the ensuing depressive reparative phase. As Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick argues, reparation is a flexible to-and-fro process of negotiating damage. In her reading of Melanie Klein’s depressive position, she focuses on how damage is in a productive, rather than a purely negative, tension with repair, offering the possibility to the infant/subject ‘to assemble or “repair” the murderous part-objects into something like a whole [but] not necessarily like any preexisting whole’ (2003, p. 128, original emphasis). Reparation of the object in Kleinian thinking is not ‘about undoing or reversing damage’ (Best, 2016, p. 80). Rather it is about maintaining the ambivalence of negative experiences, such as anger and fear of annihilation, alongside positive feelings, like hope. Building on Sedgwick, art historian Susan Best describes artist Judy Watson’s etchings the holes in the land (2015), which focused on and redeployed Aboriginal cultural material in the British Museum’s collection, as ‘taking into account situations where damage cannot be (or has not been) reversed, but which nonetheless call out for some kind of acknowledgement and recognition’ (2018, p. 80).
In the film that forms the centrepiece of Attia’s installation The Object’s Interlacing (2020), several talking head sequences are montaged from interviews he conducted with historians, philosophers, psychoanalysts, and other experts and interested parties, including Sarr and Savoy, on the issue of the restitution of African artefacts that were violently displaced into Western ownership in the era of historical colonialisms. Through the edit, the different voices and divergent views appear to be in conversation, thereby enabling the complexities of the issue to be circulated and aired, though what predominantly emerges is the hybrid, rather than the authentic, nature of the displaced objects. For example, philosopher Souleymane Bachir Diagne, arguing against the purity of ‘origins’, describes the objects as mutants. This is accentuated by the installation in which sculptural copies of such objects, some made by 3D printing, face the screen, casting shadows on the projection as if haunting the conversation but from a point in the future rather than the past. As Attia notes:
They are now the incarnation of different stories and we cannot claim the return of them by denying the hundred years of the history of white intellectuals who have been placing their own history and their own utopian view on them. We are all, of course, for the restitution of objects, but, at the same time, I’m working on the question of whether it’s an honest desire to return, rather than a kind of a fake self-assumption: ‘OK, we gave you back your objects and now it’s done, we never committed those crimes.’ I’m sceptical about the denial of the mutant aspect of these objects. It’s very reductive and is also a form of puritanism that works on both sides. (in Walsh, 2021, p. 4)
The installation poses, but does not answer, questions. In the film, the psychoanalyst Christine Théodore speaks about her neurosis of losing objects such as keys for example. Relating this to the death of her mother when she was a very young girl, she refers to how this neurosis became displaced by a singing workshop project she developed with her patients in which most of the songs were about mothers. Such psychoanalytic concepts of loss and reparation reverberate back onto the other voices in the film and complicate the apparent choice between being pro- or anti-restitution, highlighting instead the questions of who gets to see the ‘returned’ objects, who will be their custodians or destroyers, and who will be making the decisions, and on whose behalf.
Lisa Reihana, an artist of Māori descent, whose large-scale projection in Pursuit of Venus [infected] (2015–2017) was shown in the New Zealand pavilion at the Venice Biennale in 2017, has also been vocal on these issues. Conceived as a corrective response to the French scenic wallpaper designed by Jean-Gabriel Charvet, Les Sauvages de la Mer Pacifique (1804–1805), also known as ‘Captain Cook’s voyages’, Reihana’s panoramic projection is 24 metres long, lasts 64 minutes, and has 1500 digital layers made up of more than three trillion pixels. Although the original wallpaper was said to represent Pacific landscapes and peoples, it was in reality a completely fictional mash-up of flora, fashions and people from other times and places. Digitally ‘stitching’ 70 vignettes depicting historic and imagined scenes to slowly scroll across a hand-painted landscape, Reihana re-envisions the ‘first contact’ between Captain Cook’s crew and Pacific peoples. Featuring mainly indigenous actors, Reihana’s reimagining emphasises indigenous customs, skills and culture. The opening sequences depict acts of cross-cultural exchanges that are sharply stalled by the eruption of colonial violence initiated by the British, its horror somewhat lulled by the hypnotic scrolling motion of the projection which is accompanied by an immersive soundscape composed by James Pinker (Reihana’s partner) with Sean Cooper that includes dialogue in several Pacific languages, a key factor in the work’s reparative sensibility.Footnote 10 Reihana’s in Pursuit of Venus [infected] was also included in the Royal Academy’s blockbuster exhibition Oceania (Brunt and Thomas, 2018) which, marking 250 years since Cook’s first voyage to the Pacific, sourced three-quarters of its exhibited objects from European collections. In acknowledgement of the problematic nature of some of its displays, the Royal Academy organised private and public blessing ceremonies for indigenous groups to honour the show’s sacred exhibits. Subsequent to its opening, a Solomon Islands museum director called for the return of a seven-metre-long, crocodile-shaped feast trough, which was looted by a British captain in 1891. Discussing these issues in The Guardian newspaper, Reihana advocated for a ‘circulation’ of artefacts rather than a one-way return of disputed works. She stated: ‘Circulation is really interesting with the Tahitian people, in terms of their tattoo culture. Because cultural practices were banned, they look to the patterns on these objects and start to employ them on to the body. So they become living and part of the general conversation’ (in Smallman, 2018). However, when it comes to the repatriation of exhibits containing human remains, she is rightly uncompromising: ‘You want your people and your bones back, right?’ (in Smallman, 2018).
Ultimately, an object-relations psychoanalytic approach offers the perspective that reparation is to always reckon with damage, not deny it, as otherwise historical trauma continues to resurface rather than being worked through by both acknowledging and acting on the haunting traces and impact of injury. Can the museum house the narratives of pain and displacement held by objects in ways that acknowledge the rupture of trauma, but also present more entangled symbolic and material relations between cultures and publics? If it proves unable or unwilling to do so, the future of the museum in any shape or form seems uncertain.