Abstract
In their attempt to explain change in international politics, an emerging group of scholars in the 1990s emphasised the importance of ‘non-material factors’. Questions about the creation, evolution, and impact of norms obtained a prominent place in their theorising. Cast in a constructivist frame, this norm research promised to be a viable alternative to established approaches and while it has indeed broadened the perspective on state behaviour in International Relations, we argue that at the same time it entailed major conceptual and methodological problems which have not yet been spelled out comprehensively. Mainly, the insight that norms are constantly renegotiated in social interaction has been lost in the translation of social-theoretical claims of early constructivism into empirical research agendas. The ensuing research is best characterised as a cultural-determinist framework which is ultimately ill-equipped for the initial proposition of explaining change. We develop this critique by reconstructing the theoretical and methodological decisions of constructivist norm research. We then propose to re-conceptualise the connection between norms and action and suggest an interpretive methodology that allows delivering on the ambitious promise to explain processes of normative change in international politics. We illustrate this claim by reviewing constructivist norm research on ‘humanitarian interventions’ and by outlining a relational-processualist perspective on this issue.
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Notes
Our interest in norms emerged in a graduate seminar offered by Tanja Brühl at Goethe University Frankfurt. Our critical examination of the methodological aspects of this literature has taken shape in conversations with Benjamin Herborth. We would also like to thank the discussant Jonathan Acuff as well as the participants of the ISA Annual Convention 2012 panel on Contemporary Debates in International Relations Theory and the anonymous JIRD reviewers for their helpful comments and criticism.
For earlier critical examinations of particular aspects of constructivist norm research, see Sending (2002) on the logic of appropriateness, Herborth (2004) on Wendt’s conceptualisation of the agency-structure issue, Wiener (2003, 2004, 2009) on the intricacies of norm compliance and contestation as well as Rosert and Schirmbeck (2007) and Panke and Petersohn (2012) on norm erosion.
Until today, constructivist approaches in IR are divided into critical or hard constructivism on the one hand and conventional or soft constructivism on the other hand (Fierke 2007: 172ff).
Martha Finnemore (1996a: 32), for example, addressed this directly by noting that Wendt, Dessler, Kratochwil, Ruggie, Onuf, ‘and other early proponents of these sociological approaches’ had been repeatedly ‘criticized for not demonstrating empirical applications’.
See, among others, Risse et al. (2013), Gillies (2010), Kelley (2008), Percy (2007).
The relevance of Friedrich Kratochwil and John Ruggie’s formulation of the internal inconsistencies of the mid-1980s regime theory remains undiminished here. Like regime theory then, constructivist norm research today suffers from an unproductive ‘tension between its ontological posture and its prevailing epistemological practices’ (Kratochwil and Ruggie 1986: 774). Consider the following paragraph in particular: ‘[J]ust as epistemology has to match ontology, so too does the explanatory model have to be compatible with the basic nature of the particular scientific enterprise at hand. The impact of norms within international regimes is not a passive process, which can be ascertained analogously to that of Newtonian laws governing the collision of two bodies. Hence, the common practice of treating norms as “variables” — be they independent, dependent, intervening, or otherwise — should be severely curtailed. […] Precisely because state behaviour within regimes is interpreted by other states, the rationales and justifications for behaviour which are proffered, together with pleas for understanding or admissions of guilt, as well as the responsiveness to such reasoning on the part of other states, all are absolutely critical component parts of any explanation involving the efficacy of norms’ (ibid.: 768)
Note that Finnemore and Sikkink refer to Cass Sunstein here. Although partially critical of game-theoretical models, Sunstein clearly draws his insights from behavioural economics and thus conceptualises norms in a very narrow, almost exclusively regulative way (Sunstein 1997: 32ff).
We thank the editors of JIRD for pointing this argument out to us.
Thus, the critique that Axel Honneth has levelled against the conceptualisation of culture in early critical theory can be applied equally to constructivist norm research: It has failed to demonstrate ‘that socialized subjects are not simply passively subjected to an anonymous steering process but, rather, actively participate with their own interpretative performances in the complex process of social integration’ (Honneth 1987: 355).
This argument obviously draws on the ideas from the tradition of American Pragmatism where reality is constantly in flux and beliefs, understood as ‘rules for action’, are questioned and put to the test in indeterminate situations of crisis, leaving the actor in doubt (Hellmann 2009: 638–41, 2010: 146–49; Roos 2010: 56–59).
This conception of structures of meaning is different from the conceptualisation of stable political cultures or unequivocal normative structures that prevail in norm research literature. For a critique of such static conceptualisations in the constructivist research of foreign policy, see Wagner et al. (2006: 3–19).
This view on the processuality of action is, to some extent, compatible with March and Olsen’s understanding of preference formation. They reject the ‘idea that preferences are produced and changed by a process that is exogenous to the processes of choice’ (March and Olsen 1984: 739–42). Instead, they maintain that realising action and generating preferences take place at the same time in an analysis of a particular situation. This allows them to theorise situations in which preferences remain uncertain. However, in contrast to the conceptualisation we are offering here, they put less emphasis on creativity, arguing that norms can be ‘activated’ selectively to guide behaviour.
For example, the unspecified notion of protecting civilians from massive state violence has to be related to the concrete instance in which it is invoked as a norm. Agents need to explain at what stage state violence is deemed unacceptable, what they understand by ‘protection’, and who bears the responsibility to ensure it. Obviously, there are different — and probably contentious — answers to these questions, so that quite different actions can be inferred from and legitimised through references to one and the same normative idea.
Wiener (2003: 297) captures this ‘dual quality of norms’ by arguing that norms ‘are constructed through social interaction on the one hand, and have a constitutive impact on behaviour, on the other’.
This distinction resonates with the distinction between constitutive and regulative norms that goes back to John Searle (among others, see Onuf 1989: 50–51; Finnemore and Sikkink 1998: 891).
Note in this context how many different phenomena in IR are referred to as norms. Racial equality and the abolishment of apartheid (Klotz 1995), women’s rights and suffrage (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998), the abolishment of land mines (Price 1998), human rights per se (Risse et al. 1999), international election monitoring (Kelley 2008), corporate social engagement (Flohr et al. 2010), to name but a few, have all been described and discussed as norms. Given that some of these phenomena could be characterised — perhaps more accurately — as sets of practices or nets of interconnected norms, it is often difficult to discern precisely which norm is actually being investigated.
To elaborate on this argument, the norms chosen for analysis by constructivist norm research were all ‘good’ norms whose diffusion and eventual implementation was considered desirable from a liberal Western perspective. In this vein, for example, it was ‘desirable’ for most IR scholars in the 1990s that states ‘internalise’ human rights norms and comply with them. Constructivist norm research has been deeply influenced by the political agenda to demonstrate that ‘normative progress’ is possible and that material interests and power politics can be transcended if norms are anchored in the cultural structure of international relations (Barkin 2003: 334f; Jackson and Nexon 2004).
As regards research on ‘the West’, Jackson (2010) suggests that there is a difference between, on the one hand, a substantialist approach that takes for granted what ‘the West’ is and then investigates what it does and, on the other hand, a relationalist-processualist approach that interprets references to ‘the West’ as moves in legitimation struggles. Equally, there is a difference between a substantialist approach that takes the meaning of norms for granted and then explores what they do and a relationalist-processualist approach that analyses and interprets references to norms as moves in legitimation struggles.
An example proving the opposite would be Theda Skocpol’s (1979) book on the causes of social revolutions. For a general discussion of this question, see Tilly (1984).
An example of this pattern of thought is Tony Blair’s speech on the ‘doctrine of international community’, which is in large part a justification for the ‘humanitarian intervention’ in Kosovo (Lindhof 2013).
The same logic of inquiry and commitment to interpreting meaning is advanced by Cecilia Lynch (2014) in her most recent book on the interpretive tradition of studying international politics.
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Hofferberth, M., Weber, C. Lost in translation: a critique of constructivist norm research. J Int Relat Dev 18, 75–103 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2014.1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/jird.2014.1