Introduction

Video gaming, once perceived as a male-dominated realm, has evolved into a complex digital landscape, where gender dynamics are increasingly scrutinised and contested (Todd 2015; Perry 2021; Saldanha et al. 2023). While gaming cultures help individuals form connections with other gamers across multiple platforms (Peracchia et al. 2022), they often reflect, and reinforce, masculine ideologies of competitiveness and aggression (Fox and Tang 2014; Blackburn and Scharrer 2018). Recent statistics suggest that women constitute approximately 42% of the global gaming population (Ghosh 2021), challenging long-held assumptions about who engages in gaming, and why (Paaben et al. 2017; Saldanha et al. 2023). This apparent contradiction between a masculine-coded gaming culture, and a diverse player base, raises critical questions about how gender identities are constructed, performed, and negotiated within gaming spaces (Fox and Tang 2014; Perry 2021; Saldanha et al. 2023). Despite the growing presence of women in gaming, there remains a significant gap between the diverse reality of the gaming population, and the persistent masculine-coding of gaming culture, creating challenges for women’s full participation and recognition in gaming spaces. Additionally, there remains a gap in our understanding of how female gamers conceptualise their own identities and experiences within this complex socio-cultural context. This study aims to address this gap by exploring the lived experiences of female gamers, examining how they navigate, resist, and potentially reshape the gendered norms of gaming culture.

Navigating gender constructs and experiences in gaming

Building on the contradiction between a masculine-coded gaming culture and a diverse player base, it is crucial to examine how gender is constructed and experienced within gaming spaces. The World Health Organisation [WHO] (2023) defines gender as a social construct that associates characteristics, behaviours, norms, and roles with what it means to be a man or woman. Gender identity is rooted in how a person identifies themselves, and differentiates from sex (Cunningham 2018). Considering the research conducted thus far in the video gaming context, gender has been constructed, and discussed, in a binary manner. For example, ‘men’ has referred to people identifying as men/male, and ‘women’ referring to people identifying as women/female. As such, participants situate themselves within he/him or she/her pronouns. This construct manifests distinctly in the gaming context, where masculinity is often associated with emotional suppression, aggressive behaviour, and engagement with ‘hardcore’ games (Blackburn and Scharrer 2018; Perry 2021), while femininity is frequently linked to ‘casual gaming’, sensitivity, and cooperation (Cunningham 2018; Wilhelm 2018; Kneer et al. 2019).

These binary constructions of gender in gaming research and discourse are increasingly recognised as limiting. While they reflect historical patterns and persistent stereotypes, they fail to capture the full spectrum of gender identities and expressions present in gaming communities. Moreover, they risk reinforcing harmful stereotypes and overlooking the ways in which gamers actively negotiate, challenge, or subvert these gendered norms. The persistence of these gender constructions has real consequences, particularly for women, who face discrimination, stereotyping, and delegitimisation as ‘real’ gamers (Salter and Blodgett 2012; Fox and Tang 2017a, b; Naidoo et al. 2019; Saldanha et al. 2023). Yet, it is important to recognise that these experiences are not uniform and are further shaped by intersecting factors such as race, class, sexual identity, and age (WHO 2023). Our research aims to move beyond these binary constructions to explore how female-identifying gamers conceptualise their own identities and experiences. By adopting a more nuanced, intersectional approach, we seek to understand how these gamers navigate the complex terrain of gender in gaming, potentially reshaping gaming cultures in the process. This approach allows us to examine not only the constraints imposed by gendered norms, but also, the agency and creativity that gamers employ in crafting their identities and communities within gaming spaces (Fisher and Jenson 2017).

The binary gender constructions and stereotypes prevalent in gaming culture can significantly impact how women experience and identify within gaming spaces. Research indicates that women are less likely to categorise themselves as ‘gamers’ compared to men (Paaben et al. 2017; Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). This has been attributed to the unsupportive culture, unfavourable treatment, and hostile environment many women encounter in gaming communities (Vermeulen et al. 2017; Naidoo et al. 2019; Tang et al. 2019). Such hostility manifests in various forms of gender-based harassment, ranging from dismissive adverse comments (e.g., “go back to the kitchen”, “you do not belong here”), poor communication, foul language, to more severe forms of sexual harassment and violence (Tang and Fox 2016; Naidoo et al. 2019; Buyukozturk 2021; Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). The pervasiveness of this behaviour has led to its normalisation within many gaming communities (Ekiciler et al. 2022), reflecting deeper misogynistic underpinnings in gaming culture (Todd 2015; Tang et al. 2019). This hostile environment can significantly impact women’s participation, especially in online gaming contexts (Easpaig 2018; Buyukozturk 2021).

No escape: gender bias pervades online and offline gaming realms

While these issues are particularly prevalent in online gaming environments, it is important to note that offline gaming experiences are not immune to gendered dynamics (Beavis and Charles 2007; Eklund 2015). Women who primarily engage in offline gaming may face different, but equally significant challenges in terms of access, representation, and social interactions within local gaming communities (Chang et al. 2022; Snodgrass et al. 2011; Trepte et al. 2012). It is crucial to recognise that even predominantly offline gamers often engage in online gaming communities for discussion, strategy sharing, and socialising (Trepte et al. 2012). These online interactions can expose offline gamers to similar patterns of harassment and discrimination faced by online gamers, blurring the lines between online and offline gaming experiences. Further, offline female gamers may encounter discriminatory attitudes in local gaming groups, game stores, or gaming events (Fox and Tang 2017a). These experiences can include being underestimated, excluded from gaming sessions, or facing scepticism about their gaming knowledge and skills, mirroring many of the challenges observed in online environments (Fox and Tang 2017a, b).

Game changers: women rewriting the rules of gaming culture

While much research has focused on documenting these negative experiences, there is a growing need to explore how women navigate, resist, and potentially reshape these hostile environments. Some women may develop coping strategies, seek out supportive communities, or actively challenge sexist norms (Gray 2013; Harrison et al. 2017; Cote 2017; Guzzetti et al. 2021). Understanding these processes of negotiation and resistance is key to developing a more nuanced consideration of women’s experiences in gaming. Furthermore, it is important to consider how these issues have evolved over time. While sexism and harassment remain significant problems (Fox and Tang 2016; Fox et al. 2018; Naidoo et al. 2019), the increasing visibility of women in gaming, both as players and developers, may be gradually shifting the culture. As such, our research aims to contribute to this shift by exploring not only the challenges women face, but also, the ways in which they are actively constructing their identities and experiences within gaming spaces, potentially contributing to the transformation of gaming culture itself.

Beyond the game: the hidden toll of toxicity on women gamers

The hostile environment described previously not only affects women’s immediate gaming experiences, but also has broader implications for their social connections and psychological well-being within gaming communities. The Interactive Games and Entertainment Association (IGEA) (2019) found that 67% of Australian video gamers use gaming to foster social connections, highlighting the importance of social inclusion in this context. However, for women gamers, this social aspect is often compromised by sexist attitudes and behaviours, primarily originating from male gamers (Todd 2015; Fox et al. 2018). Research by Cudo et al. (2022a) suggests that women gamers experience higher levels of anxiety compared to men, associated with feelings of social rejection, distrust, worry, and vulnerability to harm within the gaming context. Notably, these experiences appear to be more prevalent in online gaming environments compared to offline settings, where distinct harassment may be less frequent (Chang et al. 2022). This disparity between online and offline experiences considers the complex interplay between gaming platforms, social interactions, and gender dynamics. However, it is crucial to approach these findings with a critical lens, with the relationships between sexist attitudes and women’s anxiety levels being correlational, and not causal, with other factors potentially contributing to these experiences. Further, such generalised findings may not capture the diverse range of experiences among women gamers, which could vary based on factors such as age, race, gaming skill level, or preferred gaming genres (Dyszelski 2006; Brilliant et al. 2019).

Such research points to the significant gap in our understanding of how women gamers perceive their own well-being in relation to their representation and treatment in gaming contexts. While quantitative studies have provided valuable insights into the prevalence of these issues, there is a need for more nuanced, qualitative research that explores women’s lived experiences, coping strategies, and the ways they navigate and potentially reshape gaming spaces. While the psychological and social impacts of hostile gaming environments on women are significant, they also influence how women engage with games and perceive their own gaming identities. Understanding these impacts provides crucial context for examining the gendered nature of gaming preferences and motivations. By exploring how women navigate these challenging environments, we can better understand the complex interplay between gender constructs, gaming experiences, and individual preferences.

Pink controllers and power plays: unpacking gendered gaming preferences

Building on an understanding of women’s experiences in gaming environments, it is crucial to examine how gender constructions manifest in gaming motivations and preferences. Research suggests that men and women may demonstrate different interests and objectives in video gaming (Wilhelm 2018; Lopez-Fernandez et al. 2019). For instance, Cudo et al. (2022b) found that men may be driven to escape reality to cope with mental health concerns, however, they struggled to clearly identify women’s motivations, potentially due to the higher frequency of male participants in their study. This limitation presents the need for more balanced and representative research in gaming studies. Further, qualitative research conducted thus far has indicated that women may be more inspired by game narratives and aesthetics (Kuss et al. 2022), and may prefer games focusing on life maintenance, such as The Sims (Gee and Hayes 2010; Lopez-Fernandez et al. 2019). Conversely, men were found to be motivated by winning and competitiveness (Kuss et al. 2022). While these findings align with traditional gender roles, it is crucial to approach them critically. These preferences may reflect societal expectations and available gaming options, rather than innate gender differences. Moreover, they may not capture the full spectrum of gaming experiences across different gender identities. The internalisation of gendered gaming stereotypes is evident in how some women gamers self-identify. Kivijarvi and Katila (2022) found that women often label themselves as ‘casual gamers’ and gravitate towards games considered ‘feminine’—typically slower-paced with a focus on nurturing roles. This self-categorisation may reflect the influence of hegemonic heteronormative ideals that continue to marginalise women in gaming (Cassar 2013; Blackburn and Scharrer 2018; Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). While these studies provide valuable insights, they also reveal significant gaps in our understanding of women’s gaming experiences. There is a need for research that explores how women navigate and potentially subvert these gendered expectations in their gaming choices. Further, how these preferences and motivations have evolved over time should be considered, reflecting the potential broader societal changes in gender norms.

Leveling up: women gamers’ quest for equality in a mans world

While women’s experiences within the video gaming context have improved over time, significant challenges remain in achieving an equitable experience for all genders (Paaben et al. 2017). Despite being active participants in gaming communities, women are often not valued to the same standards as men, reflecting a persistent gender hierarchy (Buyukozturk 2021). This hierarchy manifests in power imbalances where men socially dominate (Harrison et al. 2017), and women are frequently viewed as less capable (Fox and Tang 2017a, b; Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). The perception of gaming as a predominantly male activity that women are trying to ‘insert’ themselves into has perpetuated an unsupportive environment, overlooking women’s long-standing contributions to gaming culture (Gray 2013; Harrison et al. 2017; Cote 2017; Guzzetti et al. 2021). Recognising these challenges, our research aimed to explore how women navigate and potentially reshape these gendered gaming spaces. We employed an exploratory inductive qualitative design, using semi-structured interviews to gather rich descriptions of women gamers’ lived experiences. This approach allowed us to delve into the nuances of women’s identities, experiences, and worldviews within the gaming context, addressing gaps in previous research that has primarily relied either on quantitative research, or text-based data from blogs, gaming sites, and chat logs, rather than qualitative interviewing (Easpaig 2018; Ekiciler et al. 2022).

Our research focused specifically on three key areas: motivations for engaging in video gaming, perceptions of women’s representation in games, and strategies for managing well-being within gaming environments. By centring women’s voices, we aimed to contribute to a more accurate and genuine representation of women in gaming, recognising their substantial presence in the gaming population (Gray 2013; Lopez-Fernandez et al. 2019). This study contributes to the growing body of international research on gender dynamics in gaming, offering insights that are relevant across diverse cultural contexts and gaming communities worldwide. By exploring women’s active negotiations of gaming spaces, our research aimed to move beyond documenting challenges to understanding how women are potentially reshaping gaming cultures, acknowledging the intersectionality of their identities that can intersect with gender to shape their lived experiences. By applying a feminist and social constructionist lens to this inquiry, we sought to uncover the nuanced ways in which gender intersected with other aspects of identity in the gaming world, and how these intersections influenced players’ experiences and self-perceptions. By approaching the study with these worldviews, we recognise gender as a social construct that intersects with other aspects of identity to shape gaming experiences (Phillips 2022, 2023; Saldanha et al. 2023). This theoretical framework allows us to critically examine how gendered norms in gaming are constructed, maintained, and potentially challenged.

This research not only contributes to academic discourse but also has practical implications for addressing the persistent gender hierarchy in gaming communities that we have outlined. Given the global nature of the gaming industry and online gaming communities (Ghosh 2021), our research has implications for game developers, policymakers, and researchers worldwide who are working to create more inclusive gaming environments. Our findings can inform the development of more inclusive gaming environments, guide policymaking within gaming companies, and support advocacy efforts for gender equity in gaming spaces. Further, this study contributes to broader academic discussions on gender and technology, offering insights that can inform research in fields such as media studies, cultural studies, and social psychology across international contexts. Such insights can advance not only an academic understanding but contribute to transformative change in gaming cultures (Tomaszewski et al. 2020). As such, the overarching research question guiding our study was “How do female gamers conceptualise their identities and experiences within the gaming context?”.

Method

Research design

We employed an exploratory inductive qualitative research design, grounded in a feminist theoretical perspective, and social constructionist epistemology, to explore participants’ identities, experiences, motivations, well-being, and representations of female gamers within the video gaming context. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather rich descriptions of participants’ lived experiences, allowing us to understand their worldviews and conceptualisations of video gaming (Tomaszewski et al. 2020). This method aligns with our aim to capture the complexity of gendered experiences in gaming, recognising that these experiences are shaped by intersecting aspects of identities. The knowledge constructed in this study was derived from participants’ expressions of their own perspectives and interpretations of their video gaming experiences (Tomaszewski et al. 2020). This approach acknowledges that participants’ stories are constructed from their unique experiences, contexts, and relations to the gaming world (Ashton and McKenna 2020). By centring participants’ voices, we aimed to challenge dominant narratives about gaming that often marginalise women’s experiences.

Our study adopted a social constructivist epistemological position coupled with a feminist theoretical approach, allowing participants to narrate their experiences through their constructed realities (Feast and Melles 2010). This framework acknowledges the existence of multiple, equally valid realities that are actively constructed and interpreted through complex societal interactions (Bernard and Bernard 2013). We recognised how experiences within the video gaming context are shaped by dynamic interactions within cultural and social environments (Ultanir 2012; Phillips 2023). The feminist approach, aligning with social constructionist epistemology, enabled us to examine the social relations between gender groups, and understand the felt effects of inequality from women’s perspectives (Ashton and McKenna 2020). This perspective is particularly crucial in the context of gaming, a space historically dominated by masculine norms and often hostile to women’s participation (Fox and Tang 2014).

A feminist approach allowed us to challenge dominant narratives about gaming culture and reveal the often-overlooked ways in which women navigate and resist gendered expectations in these spaces. Furthermore, feminist theory provided a framework for understanding how broader societal gender norms and power structures are reproduced, and sometimes contested, within gaming communities (Phillips 2022, 2023; Saldanha et al. 2023). These approaches are important for critically analysing and examining gendered systems, exposing inequities, and critiquing the societal expectations placed on women gamers (Ultanir 2012; Phillips 2023). By revealing how shared experiences are shaped by gendered inequities and social interactions, we move beyond recognition of these components to a more nuanced exploration of underlying societal norms and power dynamics within gaming communities (Bernard and Bernard 2013; Phillips 2023).

Researcher positionality

ES conducted this research as a part of her Bachelor of Psychology (Honours) project at Curtin University. With the guidance of her supervisors MP and AP, who are both experienced qualitative researchers who conduct research acknowledging and adopting social constructionist and feminist perspectives, ES performed all stages of research. ES has been trained in qualitative research methods as a part of her university curriculum. ES is an Australian, cis-gendered heterosexual woman currently working in the field of disability and has past connections to gaming. MP is an Australian, cis-gendered man, young, and English-speaking, with family background encompassing South African and English heritage, an avid gamer, belonging to the LGBTIQA + community as a gay man, and serving in an early-career tenured role encompassing teaching and research responsibilities at Curtin University. AP is an Australian, cis-gender woman, Caucasian, identifying with the LGBTQIA + community, an avid gamer, with numerous research responsibilities at Curtin University. We recognise how our positionalities, experiences, and familiarity with the research topic could influence our research approach and interpretations of participants’ experiences and perspectives and ensured that we addressed this by adopting quality procedures throughout the research process.

Participants

Twelve participants identifying as female from Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, and the Netherlands participated in this research. We employed purposive and snowball sampling techniques to access our target sample demographic, which aligned with our feminist theoretical approach by prioritising the voices of women gamers (Ashton and McKenna 2020). Participants ranged in age from 23 to 43 years old (M = 28, SD = 5.51), providing a diverse adult perspective on gaming experiences. Inclusion criteria required participants to identify as female, and have regular gaming experience, though we aimed for diversity in gaming preferences and intensity of engagement. At the time of recruitment, all participants were video gaming approximately two to three times a week on a computer or console, playing offline and/or online. Solely mobile phone gamers were excluded from this study due to their convenient and restricted nature compared to computers and consoles, the experiences and social dynamics differing substantially from those in console or computer gaming environments, and that mobile engagements are often more short-term and less direct in interaction with other players (McCullough et al. 2020).

Recruitment occurred through various social media platforms (Facebook, Discord, and Instagram) via research accounts and shared research flyers. Physical flyers were also printed and placed around Curtin University. While recruitment was targeted internationally to capture diverse perspectives on gaming experiences across different cultural contexts, the sample primarily comprised Australian participants. This outcome may be attributed to several factors, including the researchers’ location and primary network being Australian-based, potential differences in social media engagement across countries, and possibly the timing of recruitment coinciding with Australian gaming community events or discussions. Despite this unintended geographical concentration, the inclusion of participants from Austria, Bulgaria, and the Netherlands still provides valuable international insights, though we acknowledge the limitations this may place on the transferability of our findings.

We utilised the concept of information power to guide our sampling adequacy (Malterud et al. 2016; Sebele-Mpofu 2020). This approach, which considers factors such as study aim, sample specificity, theoretical background, quality of dialogue, and analysis strategy, informed our conclusion of the 12 participants being sufficient for our study. The broad nature of the study was balanced by the in-depth conversations achieved through rapport building and participants’ high knowledge of the topic. Demographic data was collected from the participants via a de-identified demographic questionnaire. Participants played various video gaming genres that were broad with minimal overlap. These included role-play, simulation, first-person shooter, survival, and action-adventure. Participants also reported various and broad ranges of their top-played games, including Red Dead Redemption, Stardew Valley, The Legend of Zelda, and Destiny. Further demographics are presented in Table 1.

Table 1 Participant demographic characteristics
Full size table

Materials

Semi-structured interviews were conducted online through WebEx to explore women gamers’ identities and experiences. This method of interviewing was chosen for its flexibility and alignment with the feminist and social constructionist approach, allowing participants to guide the conversation towards aspects of their experiences they found most significant (Kallio et al. 2016; Phillips 2023). We utilised open-ended questions with relevant prompts, remaining flexible depending on participants’ responses and context. Questions included, ‘Can you please describe your gaming experiences?’, ‘How would you define yourself as a gamer?’, and ‘Can you tell me about your involvement in the gaming community?’. Prompts included ‘Why do you play them (games)?’, ‘What makes you a gamer?’, and ‘What is your gaming community like?’. The full interview guide is uploaded as supplementary material. The interview guide included ten main questions, but varied between interviews depending on length of time, and direction of the participant’s content. The interviews were planned for 45–60 min but lasted approximately between 40 and 90 min, allowing for in-depth exploration of participants’ experiences. All interviews were audio recorded on two devices using the Voice Memos application. Interviews were transcribed verbatim using the Otter application and compared against their audio recordings to ensure accuracy. Prior to each interview, we sent out the de-identified demographic questionnaire to gather contextual information. Participants completed these and returned them via email. NVivo was used to assist with coding, analysis, and interpretation of themes, facilitating a systematic approach to data analysis.

Procedure

Ethics was approved from Curtin University’s Human Research Ethics Committee (HRE2023-0236). Participants were invited to participate in our study through social media platforms, and the promotional flyer. Social media platforms consisted of a Facebook Business Page, and a Discord community group, for participants to read about the study, and contact us if interested. These digital recruitment strategies were chosen to align with our target population’s online presence. We also employed snowballing techniques, with family and friends helping advertise the study to the target demographic. This multifaceted approach aimed to reach a wide range of women gamers, including those who might not be visible in mainstream gaming spaces. Upon initial contact, participants were sent an information sheet detailing the study’s aims, procedures, and potential risks and benefits. We ensured ample time for questions. Once participants agreed to continue, consent forms, and a de-identified demographic questionnaire, were emailed for completion and return. We were attentive to power dynamics throughout this process, emphasising the voluntary nature of participation and the participants’ right to withdraw at any time. We also considered potential barriers to participation, such as technology access or time constraints, and worked to accommodate participants’ needs where possible. A mutually convenient time for the online WebEx interview was then organised.

At the beginning of each interview, we reaffirmed the informed consent process, reiterating key study details, interview duration, and data usage procedures. Participants were encouraged to ask questions, reinforcing our commitment to collaborative knowledge production. Interview durations varied (M = 58, SD = 15.32, min = 38, max = 87) allowing for in-depth exploration of participants’ unique gaming experiences, prioritising their voices and allowing them to guide the depth and breadth of the conversation. Otter was utilised for initial transcription, with transcripts saved as Word documents. To ensure accuracy, we compared each transcript against the audio recordings, making necessary edits. This process allowed for deep engagement with the data. Participants’ data was kept confidential, securely managed, and stored on the researcher’s password-protected laptop and the Curtin University Research Drive (only accessible by the research team).

Data analysis

Once the interviews were completed, each transcript was read in full before commencing formal analysis, allowing for immersion in the data. Transcripts were then imported into NVivo to facilitate Reflexive Thematic Analysis (RTA) as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2021). This method was chosen for its alignment with an exploratory, inductive qualitative approach, social constructionist epistemology, and feminist theoretical perspective, allowing for a nuanced exploration of gendered experiences in gaming contexts. We engaged in a multi-stage coding process, beginning with initial semantic coding to outline what was specifically said by participants. Examples of initial codes included ‘allowed to play’,’ boys will be boys’, and ‘searching for relatedness’. This was followed by secondary coding, where we organised latent codes, made interpretations from previous codes, and incorporated new codes that formed conceptual categories (Braun and Clarke 2021). Examples of secondary coding were ‘gender gap’, ‘facilitating relationships’, and ‘sharing with others. Themes were then formulated by collating codes and engaging in thematic mapping (Adeoye-Olatunde and Olenik 2021). This was an iterative process involving reviewing, merging, and splitting themes. Field notes were documented through reflexive journaling after each interview, and throughout the analysis, to assist with our perspectives, positionings, and reflections with regards to our study (Hammarberg et al. 2016). This reflexive practice allowed us to critically examine how our own experiences and theoretical perspectives might be influencing our interpretations.

Quality procedures

Throughout the research, we maintained reflexivity through reflexive journaling, a practice crucial in qualitative, feminist research for examining how our own positionalities and power as researchers might influence the study (Levitt et al. 2018). This reflexive process allowed us to critically examine our personal connections and how our histories and social positions may have shaped our interpretation of the findings. We documented our thoughts before, during, and after data collection and analysis to maintain transparency (Korstjens and Moser 2018). In line with feminist research principles, we paid particular attention to power dynamics throughout the research process. We critically reflected on our positions of power as researchers and how this might influence participants’ responses and our interpretations. We strived to create a collaborative research environment, emphasising participants’ expertise in their own experiences. To further enhance transparency and rigour, we maintained an audit trail including our reflexive journal, interview guides, raw data, transcripts, and secured participants’ demographic information (Levitt et al. 2018). This included noting interview dates and times and keeping all data digitally in organised files. Coding was conducted entirely within NVivo, adhering strictly to the phases of RTA to ensure dependability and confirmability (Korstjens and Moser 2018). This systematic approach allowed us to cross-reference data and maintain a clear, identifiable process (Nowell et al. 2017).

We maintained coherence by addressing differences in responses between interviews (Levitt et al. 2021). The diversity in views demonstrated the broadness of our sample and aligned with the intersectional approach, recognising that women gamers’ experiences are shaped by multiple, intersecting identities. When interpreting these diverse aspects, we used our reflexive journal, coding, and team discussions to establish how they fit within the research question (Nowell et al. 2017) to maintain value contribution (Levitt et al. 2018). Our analysis considered how the findings related to women gamers’ motivations, thoughts on representation, and wellbeing regarding their identities and experiences in video gaming. We also considered previous literature to identify and address gaps, aiming to inform the video gaming community and contribute to the development of safer, more equitable environments for women gamers (Levitt et al. 2018). Data triangulation was maintained by including participants from multiple settings, both within Australia and internationally (Levitt et al. 2018). While most participants resided in Perth, Australia, they came from diverse backgrounds, contexts, nationalities, and age groups, providing unique perspectives on their video gaming experiences (Korstjens and Moser 2018). We employed member checking with selective transparency, emailing key findings to participants to check for accuracy (Levitt et al. 2018). Six participants responded via email, confirming that the findings were representative, which enhanced the credibility of the analysis (Korstjens and Moser 2018).

Findings

Through 12 in-depth semi-structured interviews with women gamers from diverse backgrounds, four defining themes were constructed via Reflexive Thematic Analysis. This method allowed us to capture the complex ways women gamers conceptualise their identities and experiences in the video gaming context, particularly regarding motivation, wellbeing, and female representation. The constructed themes were (1) Providing Gamers a Sense of Community: Collaboration Through Friendship and Connections, (2) Desiring Gender Equality and Equal Representation in Gaming, (3) Felt Need of Protective Factors Due to Online Public Gaming Spaces, and (4) Gaming Assists with Relieving Issues Pertaining to Real Life. These themes reflect the multifaceted nature of women’s gaming experiences, highlighting both the challenges they face and the empowerment they derive from gaming. They also emphasise the importance of gaming spaces as communities with their own dynamics of inclusion, exclusion, and social change. Names used throughout the findings are pseudonyms to protect participants’ identities while preserving the personal nature of their shared experiences.

Providing gamers a sense of community: collaboration through friendship and connections

This theme captures how women gamers use video gaming to connect and build relationships with others who share similar interests. Participants viewed video gaming as a meeting point, a topic of conversation, and a way to satisfy social needs. Further, connecting with others was facilitated through either pre-existing friendship, meeting new people by engaging with online communities and streams, or gaming in-person with others. Participants’ perspectives suggested the video gaming context as a social place that can be used to facilitate companionship based on common interests, and the mutual need for social connection. This emphasis on community and connection suggests that for many women gamers, the social aspects of gaming are not merely a side benefit but a central motivation. This aligns with relational self-concept, where identities are formed and maintained through relationships. In the context of gaming, a traditionally male-dominated space, these connections may take on added significance, not only providing enjoyment and support but also serving to validate women’s identities as gamers.

Participants acknowledged the ability to share and learn from other video gamers to improve their skills and maximise achievement. They demonstrated using communities to their advantage to gain inspiration for their gameplay, to try new things, and implement more effective strategies they might not ordinarily think of. For example, Holly stated,

I love watching walkthroughs…I’ve restarted Stardew Valley just so I can work out like how to, like, efficiently start the game so that it’s easier to level up and get things quicker… it’s nice to see how people [streamers] play and like, interact with them.

Here, Holly indicates how women gamers value other video gamers’ contributions, and seek advice through knowledgeable communities, especially on video games that are unconstrained where the progression path or end goal may not be clear. This suggests that women gamers seek guidance from fellow players with similar interests and use their direction to tailor their gameplay habits. Furthermore, the quote signifies how women look for validation that their gameplay is ‘moving in the right direction’ with assistance from potentially more skilled and influential video gamers, such as streamers. The value placed on learning from more experienced players reveals a complex dynamic of empowerment and potential vulnerability. On one hand, it shows women gamers actively seeking to improve their skills and engage more deeply with games. On the other, it may reflect internalised pressures to ‘prove’ oneself as a ‘real’ gamer, a pressure often disproportionately felt by women in gaming spaces. This tension between self-improvement and external validation merits further exploration in the context of gendered gaming spaces.

Online video gaming also appears to assist with meeting new people, and forming new video gaming friendship groups, as Lana reported,

I met like more people in that community, and we formed like a bit of a friend group, and in this case Overwatch, I did actually meet them through that…. we are part of this community… and you grow over time and it’s pretty fast, it got to the point so like, oh yeah, we’re friends now.

From this quote, it is suggested that people with similar interests may naturally come together and continue to seek each other out in online video gaming contexts. It demonstrates that consistent, long-term video gaming with the same people can assist with creating solid, online friendships. This signifies gaming online with strangers can lead to building smaller, private communities, and that if mutual connection is found, deeper relationships can be established between people. For these participants, video gaming presents the idea that establishing friendship groups may not always occur, but when it does, it can be a surprising development that forms naturally over time. The formation of these smaller, private communities within larger gaming spaces could be seen as a strategic response to the often-hostile environment of public online gaming. These curated spaces could allow women gamers to enjoy the benefits of community while minimising exposure to potential harassment or discrimination. This suggests how women actively shape their gaming experiences, creating pockets of inclusivity within a sometimes-unwelcoming larger context.

Other participants discussed similar sentiments, Holly proclaimed, “I think it’s definitely like that wholesomeness of like wanting to be together and gaming together…” and Mia said, “I just want to have a good talk, I just want to grind a bit in a game, have good feelings…”. For participants, this indicates video gaming may be a secondary goal, with the primary goal being to spend quality time interacting with people. Here, video gaming is acknowledged as best enjoyed in the presence of others, where participants’ experiences can be shared harmoniously side-by-side, rather than asynchronously. Overall, participants conveyed the importance of gaming with people they know and are comfortable with, which promotes positive experiences surrounding collaboration and connection. Connecting with others over common interests and completing meaningful activities was also presented as important, to foster and cultivate a sense of community in the gaming context. These experiences highlight how gaming communities can serve as spaces for women to build and reinforce their identities as gamers. By engaging in shared activities, exchanging knowledge, and forming meaningful connections, women are not just playing games but actively participating in the construction of a gaming culture that includes and values their presence. This process of community building and identity formation through gaming may be particularly significant for women, who often face challenges to their legitimacy as gamers in broader gaming contexts.

Desiring gender equality and equal representation in gaming

Many participants described a persistent gender gap in the gaming context, expressing that video gaming has historically been, and continues to be, viewed more as an activity for men, rather than women. Perpetuating this gap is the reinforcement of a masculine social identity, creating challenges for women who seek to participate and be recognised as legitimate members of the gaming community. Participants discussed the different treatment they had experienced online, and in-person, by others, due to their gender. These included being sexualised, objectified, challenged as ‘real’ video gamers, and having their skills and knowledge of gaming undermined. This theme explores this and incorporates participants’ desire for the video gaming context to focus less on gender, and more on equal treatment, irrespective of identity. This aspiration reflects a broader societal push for gender equality and recognition of diverse identities within traditionally male-dominated spaces. Participants also noted that while the video gaming context has room to improve the inclusion of women gamers, they felt female representation was currently inaccurate and unrealistic, as shown in character representation, media, and public communities where sexualising and undermining women is normalised. The sentiments expressed by participants further demonstrate the ongoing gender gap between men and women gamers, and its impact on women’s gameplay and relation to the video gaming context. Such a gap can be understood as a manifestation of broader societal gender inequalities, reflecting and reinforcing traditional power structures.

Participants first discussed how video gaming conditions have improved over time, marking a gradual shift in the industry’s approach to gender representation and inclusion. However, they still felt that women gamers were required to prove themselves worthy for their position in video gaming, feeling pressured to perform exceptionally well to counter negative stereotypes about their gaming abilities. Participants felt that contextually, video gaming is considered an activity conducted by men, for men. As a result, women gamers were often asked to verify their knowledge and skills in video gaming, especially in characteristically male-associated games, as a way to prove themselves, and their credibility, within the gaming domain. Grace’s experience exemplifies this issue,

I remember speaking to one of my husband’s friends, I think the game was like Skyrim or something, he was like yeah, it’s the best game ever, I love it…. I was like oh yeah, I remember playing that game when I was in high school. He was like nah nah you didn’t, like you didn’t finish it. Like I was like, no I did.

This details how women gamers may be overlooked in their abilities, and not considered to the same standards as men gamers, despite having equivalent experience. It also suggests how women gamers are positioned in a way where they must advocate for themselves as well as defend their experiences and gaming identity as true and valid. The constant need for self-validation can be psychologically taxing and may contribute to feelings of imposter syndrome among women in gaming communities. The participant’s sentiments suggest that women gamers may not be seen as, or associated with, the term ‘gamer’, more specifically for video games that may be constructed as ‘male’ games underpinned by notions of masculinity. It may also suggest the societal attitude of video gaming is not as easily connected, or aligned, to a woman’s identity, compared to a man’s. This is further demonstrated when Taylah said, “…we know what we’re talking about…a game is not a masculine thing…”, signifying that women gamers may feel that video gaming does not inherently align with the dominant masculine ideology. This perspective challenges the gendered construction of video gaming, as well as certain games, and calls for a more inclusive understanding of who can be a ‘gamer’.

Participants also considered video gaming to underrepresent women characters, and when such characters were included, they tended to be oversexualised. Participants suggested how such sexualisation caters for the male gaze (or the assumed dominant, targeted, stereotypical ‘gamer’), reinforcing the notion of video gaming as an activity predominantly for men. While participants acknowledged that conditions have improved over the last 20 years, they questioned the state of equality that exists within the gaming community. Katie’s observation that, “it’s very rare [now] you’ll come across a piece of armour for a female character that is a chainmail bikini versus a full chest plate for the male character” indicates progress, but also highlights the historical depth of the problem. Further to this, Sam’s experience of having to, “…stop playing games when I feel like the representation is too gross…. I’ve found the top mods [modifications] are like naked women” reveals how the gaming community itself often perpetuates the sexualisation of women. This community-driven objectification can create hostile environments for women gamers and reinforce harmful stereotypes. Maya’s comment further illustrates the personal impact of these representations:

…they [female characters] have big boobs and they look perfect…The portrayal of women really is, and you know, young men and boys growing up viewing this kind of thing, it’s so harmful, that’s not how women look like…Women are people, they’re not objects.

This sentiment demonstrates how women gamers are personally affected by inaccurate representations and objectification of women, and in response, feel as if video games, and the gaming context, needs to better reflect women, as these constructions have real-world consequences. These representations of women could be quite impressionable and may further contribute to how women gamers are treated differently, particularly by men. Overall, this theme incorporates the felt need of addressing the inequalities that exist within the video gaming context, in terms of how the video gaming community continues to marginalise and undervalue women which contribute to the objectification and sexualisation of women in gaming.

Felt need of protective factors due to online public gaming spaces

Participants considered online public gaming spaces as unsafe and difficult to access, due to adverse treatment towards their gender. Women gamers felt forced to consciously perform or conceal their gender identity in online gaming spaces. As a result, participants felt that there were major barriers to engaging in this space, with gender-based harassment and discrimination forcing women to enter such spaces equipped with protective strategies, such as caution, protection, or completely avoiding such spaces altogether. This theme is closely related to Desiring Gender Equality and Equal Representation in Gaming, as the difficulty of navigating online public gaming spaces due to identifying as a woman is still considered to not be completely accepted, demonstrating how women are still fighting for better gender equality to move freely and safely navigate and exist within these spaces.

First, the participants felt that women gamers wanted to see online public gaming spaces become more accessible and accepting of women. Participants stated that they did not want to have to hide their female identity to avoid differential treatment while video gaming online. Jen acknowledged this, and said,

I made friends [online], we did dungeons together…at one point when I felt like, you know, these people have gotten closer to me, we have an understanding, I decided to reveal my gender to see what the reaction will be. They were mixed reactions. After a while, some of them stopped playing with me for whatever reason and the other half of them started flirting with me…I expected both sides, and this is precisely why I play as male characters, and I never reveal my gender in a game.

Such an experience here demonstrated that other gamers do not see, or treat, women gamers in the same way once their gender identity is revealed, and therefore, may participate with ulterior motives, or are uninterested in sharing the space with them, once they are aware of this. The reluctance to reveal one’s gender highlights the complex nature of identity performance in digital spaces, where unlike physical environments, online gaming allows for a level of identity concealment, yet the pressure to confirm to gendered expectations remains pervasive. The quote illustrates the influence that gender has on other gamers’ actions, and how women gamers would prefer to hide their gender identity in order to remain and exist within public online gaming spaces. Mia described similar sentiments, “…guys don’t treat them [women] like gamers, because one half doesn’t talk to them and don’t want to get in contact with them and the other half is just like…please sleep with me…”. Public online gaming spaces appear to have constructed environments where women are clearly not respected or seen as equals. Such ideas suggest that women are viewed as objects of attainment, or with distaste for entering spaces that may not be considered as designed for them. These problematic experiences further outline the need for more inclusive gaming, and broader, spaces for women.

Participants also described how in response to such treatment, women gamers formed online private and selective communities, rather than entering online public gaming spaces, as they have historically not felt welcomed. The creation of these private, selective communities can be seen as a form of spatial resistance, similar to safe spaces, which serve not only as refuges but also as sites of empowerment and community-building for women gamers. Participants suggested that this may stem from previous harmful treatment online that has resulted in participants wanting to locate and be a part of safer spaces. Sam acknowledged this, and announced, “…this [private community] was like almost a refuge for us, like I had terrible times in like particularly big groups of men, just…it was shit”. Most participants preferred to game online with others that they felt they were more comfortable with. They deemed privately built communities were safer, and provided more protection for them, compared to gaming in male dominated, online public gaming spaces that came with undesirable experiences. Such sentiments perpetuated the messaging that women gamers must engage in safety work to protect themselves, as without doing so, they may be subjected to gender-based discrimination. Such protective strategies can be viewed as a form of emotional labour, and additional labour that women gamers must perform to simply participate in gaming spaces. Taylah also shared this belief, stating, “…we’re hiding in the shadows because we don’t want to be harassed online”. Such sentiments implies that women gamers may not feel they genuinely belong in online public gaming spaces and may mask their appearance to avoid gender-based harassment. Further, such sentiments suggest that women gamers may feel that these are their only options to maintain their safety and wellbeing when navigating public online gaming spaces. The felt requirement of these protective factors may force women to sacrifice their gaming experiences at the expense of others to maintain harmony and peace and reduce the negative impacts of gender-based discrimination and exclusion. Engaging in such work suggests that the participants believe concealing their identity is the best way to remain undetected, as well as preserving their enjoyment within the gaming context.

Further extending on the above claims, participants also expressed the felt pressure to succeed online, and to demonstrate higher skill levels when playing in online public gaming spaces, as they observed that those gamers who played poorly, and were evaluated as such, were looked down upon, and viewed as lesser than. Katie stated,

I feel like for men there is a bit more leeway when they’re just getting into a new game, they’re allowed to be shit because they’re new, but for a woman, immediately you have to be good, to earn the respect.

This participant’s sentiments illustrate how women gamers feel they must come to online public spaces prepared and ready to perform at specific (i.e., higher) skill levels, otherwise they are immediately not accepted within that space. This quote also reveals how women gamers feel that they must prove themselves and their competencies in gaming, and as such, they feel the pressure to avoid public online gaming spaces until they are deemed worthy to enter by men gamers in the community. This suggests that women gamers’ acceptance into online public gaming spaces is conditional on their abilities, and that they are devalued if they fail to perform. What is of interest here is also considering who is the group deemed powerful enough to grant acceptance to these spaces based on these conditions, as well as setting the standards in which the skills and abilities of women gamers are evaluated. Such treatment may result in women gamers minimising their interactions online to protect their emotional wellbeing. Overall, this theme revealed women gamers’ difficulties in navigating online public gaming spaces due to gender-based differential treatment, and the need to hide themselves to protect themselves and their wellbeing.

Gaming assists with relieving issues pertaining to real life

This theme explores how women gamers utilise gaming as a multifaceted coping mechanism, serving as both an emotion-, and problem-focused, coping strategy. Gaming offered participants emotional regulation and a sense of control in response to real-life stressors. Video gaming was deemed to offer a temporary distraction from the participants’ daily lives, allowing them to immerse themselves within the gaming world of their choice. This was acknowledged to assist with regulating their emotions, and offering a place to either relax, or stimulate their mind, depending on their needs.

Participants’ video gaming choices were considered highly dependent on their contextual environment, and what they felt would satisfy their needs, Sam reported, “…sometimes I want to shoot stuff, sometimes I want to create stuff, sometimes I want to like really use my brain….then whenever I feel social, which is like most of the time, I’ll see what my friends are doing”. This quote demonstrates how women gamers like to have access to various forms of video gaming, with their choices influenced by their environment, as well as their current mood and interests. The participants sentiments constructed women gamers as not ‘fitting’ within one specific type of video gaming, where women’s gaming choices were based on what was going to be most beneficial for them. This may indicate that they like to spend their gaming time interacting with elements that are purposeful and meaningful. For participants, video gaming is not a time waster, but rather a way to engage with content that positively influences their behaviour and mind in the real world.

Participants also suggested that elements of video gaming reminded them of easier days when they had fewer responsibilities, as aging and adulthood were considered to impact on their gaming experiences. Taylah described, “…my job and like my life has always been very hectic…when I’m gaming, it’s just like a great way for me to like kind of reconnect with being a kid again”. This quote illustrates how video gaming can assist with temporarily forgetting about complications in adulthood and used as an avenue to calm down. The nostalgic return to childhood appears as a form of self-affirmation and identity continuity, providing emotional comfort and a sense of stability in the face of adult pressures. It suggests that video gaming may assist the participants through tough times, where they feel they may need a break from their real life, and to immerse themselves in a world where they have more autonomy, choice, and control. This may also be reminiscent of childhood, where life was suggested by participants to be less stressful. It demonstrates video gaming has nostalgic properties, helping stimulate positive associations between video gaming and earlier versions of themselves. These positive associations may consist of feelings of competency and empowerment as they take control through elements within the video game and feel the accomplishments as their own.

Women gamers also expressed how exploring the in-game world was a component of this escape, where they got to experience things that were not possible in real life. Sam revealed, “I love escaping the less exciting world” and Maya said, “if you can just spend a couple hours in a different world being a different person, it’s great”. These quotes imply that video gaming may offer a sense of freedom from a tedious life of routine and structure. Such experiences can be considered as optimal, offering a particularly valuable respite from gendered societal pressures. It suggests that women gamers may feel a need to remove themselves from their personal environment to escape and enter worlds where they make the decisions and experience the life they want. From these quotes, ideas are presented of the real self and the ideal self, where women may use video gaming to escape and become their ideal self. Escaping the mundane world may assist in relieving stress and anxiety, being able to explore such emotions and use video gaming to reduce uncomfortable feelings through release or distraction.

For participants, video gaming may create meaning and fulfill fantasies normally deemed impossible, where they suggested getting to control the outcomes and ‘become’ the character. Such experiences may help participants take a mental break from reality and gain a sense of control as they make the experience their own and play in a way that suits them. Holly detailed,

…when you read a book and you escape into a different world, it’s sort of like that but more immersive and visual when you control the world a little bit as opposed to just reading what someone else has written for you.

This quote demonstrates how being able to alter the game structure and create something personal is a positive aspect to video gaming for participants. It signifies personalisation and customisation in video games is important and being able to affect how the story develops is a valuable part of video gaming. It was also suggested by participants that women gamers see themselves as the character within the game they are playing, which assists them in entering the world and mind of their character. Ava described, “…it’s like a reflection of myself…. this is what I wish I was, but just like, I’m so invested in this story and in this character, and this character for this game”. Here, this quote further supports the aspect of the ideal self. Through this, it suggests women may project their self-image into their video gaming through avatars and how they want to depict themselves. This projection of self into game characters demonstrates how gaming provides a unique platform for women to explore and enact various facets of their identity, including idealised versions of self that may not be readily accessible in their daily lives due to societal constraints. The process of bringing the internalisation outward and projecting it into a physical form that allows interaction, and continual growth was acknowledged by participants. The quote demonstrates how video gaming provides the ability to explore the perception of their identity within other realms to explore different outcomes. Overall, this theme presents ideas on how gaming can be used to escape from aspects of reality that are complicated, stressful, or where they have minimal control. Video gaming appears to provide a comforting space where participants have autonomy and control over the world they have created and strategically planned out.

Discussion

Using semi-structured interviews analysed via Reflexive Thematic Analysis, this study offers a nuanced, rich, and contextualised understanding of how women gamers experience and actively shape their identities within the gaming context. Grounded in feminist and social constructionist frameworks, our findings reveal the complex interplay between individual agency and societal structures in forming women’s gaming identities and experiences. Women gamers’ narratives highlighted how their experiences were influenced by a myriad of factors, including their upbringing, relationships with friends and family, interactions within gaming communities, and broader societal gender norms. Importantly, our research suggests that women’s gaming identities are not static but evolve dynamically as they navigate and sometimes challenge the gendered landscape of gaming. We constructed four key themes from our analysis, which considered community and connection, the struggle for gender equality and representation, the need for protective strategies in online spaces, and gaming as a means of escapism and empowerment. These themes reflect how women’s gaming experiences are shaped by, but also actively reshape, the broader sociocultural context of gaming. Our study also contributes to an understanding of how gender intersects with gaming culture, offering insights into both the challenges women face and the ways they resist and redefine their identities within gaming spaces.

Beyond pink and pixels: redefining women’s gaming motivations

For the participants, video gaming was viewed as a means of socialising, both person and online, with winning and competitiveness taking a secondary role. This finding challenges the dominant masculine ideology of assertiveness and competitiveness often associated with gaming (Fox and Tang 2014; Blackburn and Scharrer 2018). However, it is crucial to critically examine this alignment with stereotypical feminine characteristics of cooperation and harmony (Cunningham 2018). While our participants indeed emphasised connection and shared experiences over triumph, interpreting this solely through the lens of traditional gender stereotypes risks reinforcing essentialist notions of gender. Instead, we propose that these preferences reflect a more complex negotiation of identity within gaming spaces. Participants’ emphasis on socialisation and cooperation can be understood as a form of resistance to toxic gaming cultures (Easpaig 2018), rather than an inherent feminine trait. This interpretation aligns with recent research by Saldanha et al. (2023), which highlights how women actively shape inclusive gaming communities. Further, the participants’ rejection of aggressive and toxic behaviours traditionally associated with male gamers suggests a conscious effort to create alternative gaming cultures. However, it is important to note that not all our findings aligned with previous literature, contrasting with studies that suggest that women prefer ‘casual’ or nurturing games (Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). Our participants expressed interest in a diverse range of genres, including those typically marketed to men. This discrepancy highlights the risk in overgeneralising women’s gaming preferences and emphasises the need for more nuanced, intersectional approaches to understanding gender in gaming contexts. Furthermore, while the participants’ emphasis on community and cooperation aligns with some feminist interpretations of technology use (Fisher and Jenson 2017), it is crucial to consider how these preferences may be shaped by broader societal expectations and the need to navigate often hostile gaming environments. As Perry (2021) argues, women’s gaming practices should be understood not just as individual preferences, but as strategies for negotiating gendered power dynamics within gaming cultures.

Shattering the gender playbook: Women’s hybrid gaming revolution

Our study revealed a nuanced consideration of women gamers’ preferences and motivations, challenging simplistic alignments with traditionally feminine qualities often associated with domestic and nurturing roles (Blackburn and Scharrer 2018; Kivijarvi and Katila 2022). Participants expressed interest in a wide range of gaming genres, including those typically marketed to men such as first-person shooters, fantasy-adventure games, and survival games (Blackburn and Scharrer 2018), while also maintaining interest in relationship-focused and narrative-driven video games (Lopez-Fernandez et al. 2019). This diversity in preferences suggests that women’s gaming choices transcend preconceived gender norms, aligning with recent research by Wilhelm (2018) on the complex relationship between gender role orientation and gaming behaviour. Importantly, our findings indicate that women gamers adopt a hybrid approach, incorporating elements traditionally associated with both masculine and feminine gaming styles. For instance, while participants showed high interest in aesthetics, personalisation, and character development (Kuss et al. 2022), they simultaneously engaged with game mechanics and genres historically constructed as masculine. This hybridisation can be interpreted as a form of gender performance (Butler 1990) within gaming spaces, where women actively negotiate and redefine gendered expectations. However, by categorising certain game elements or genres as inherently gendered, we risk reinforcing the gender binary that feminist scholars have long critiqued (Connell and Pearse 2014). Instead, our findings suggest a need to reconceptualise gaming preferences outside of gendered frameworks altogether, instead focusing on individual motivations and the sociocultural contexts shaping these preferences. Further, the diversity in our participants’ gaming choices challenges the gaming industry’s often gendered marketing strategies (Perreault et al. 2018). The disconnect between women’s gaming practices and industry assumptions about their preferences highlights the need for more inclusive game design and marketing approaches. As Fisher and Jenson (2017) argue, acknowledging the breadth of women’s gaming interests could lead to more diverse and innovative game development. It is also worth noting that our participants’ varied gaming preferences may reflect a form of resistance to gendered expectations in gaming spaces. By engaging with a wide range of games, including those traditionally marketed to men, women gamers may be actively challenging stereotypes and carving out space for themselves in male-dominated gaming communities (Gray 2013). This resistance aligns with broader feminist theories of technology use as a site of gender negotiation and empowerment (Wajcman 2010).

Stealth mode engaged: women’s tactical retreat in gaming battlegrounds

Our findings suggest that women gamers continue to be underrepresented and undermined in the video gaming context, often responding to hostility by withdrawing from confrontational situations, rather than directly challenging them. This aligns with previous research highlighting the persistence of these issues in gaming spaces (Easpaig 2018; Buyukozturk 2021). Many of our participants reported adopting protective strategies, such as removing themselves from male-dominated public online gaming spaces, concealing their gender identity, and navigating these environments with caution to mitigate harassment risks. These behaviours reflect the ongoing normalisation of mistreatment towards women in gaming contexts (Ekiciler et al. 2022). Such strategies should not be considered merely as passive, rather, they can be considered as active negotiations of hostile spaces. Drawing on Fox and Tang’s (2017a, b) work on coping strategies in online gaming, we can understand these behaviours as forms of emotion-focused coping that allow women to continue engaging in gaming despite adverse conditions. This perspective aligns with resilience theories suggesting that withdrawal can be a strategic choice for self-preservation and continued participation in valued activities (Brodsky and Cattaneo 2013). Furthermore, these findings highlight the complex interplay between individual coping strategies and broader structural issues in gaming culture. While individual women may find ways to navigate hostile environments, their strategies ultimately do not address the root causes of harassment and exclusion. This tension echoes longstanding debates in feminist theory about the relationship between individual agency and systemic change (McRobbie 2009). The prevalence of these protective behaviours also raises questions about the long-term impacts on women’s gaming experiences and identities. Our findings emphasise the urgent need for interventions at multiple levels, from individual support to community-level changes in gaming culture to broader societal shifts in gender norms.

Leveling the playing field: women’s battle for gaming legitimacy

The normalisation of mistreatment towards women emerges as a significant barrier perpetuating the gender gap in gaming contexts. While our findings suggest gradual improvements in the treatment of women gamers, there remains a pressing need for more inclusive gaming environments that accommodate diverse identities. Consistent with Naidoo et al.’s (2019) research, our study found that women are often disregarded as legitimate gamers solely based on their gender identity. This delegitimisation aligns with broader patterns of gender-based discrimination in technology related fields (Wajcman 2010). Our findings further reveal that women gamers’ acceptance in gaming spaces is often conditional, contingent on their performance and abilities. This conditionality echoes Vermeulen et al.’s (2017) stereotype threat in gaming perspective, suggesting that women must consistently prove their competence to be accepted. However, our study extends this understanding by highlighting women gamers’ determination for acceptance and their strategic use of protective factors and identity concealment. These strategies, while potentially effective for individual navigation of hostile spaces, inadvertently reinforce the gender hierarchy and perpetuate the devaluation of women in gaming contexts (Buyukozturk 2021). Critically, these findings can be interpreted through the lens of Foucauldian power dynamics (Foucault 1980; Phillips 2023), where women’s strategies of concealment and performance represent both resistance to, and compliance with, gendered power structures in gaming. This complex negotiation of identity and belonging reflects the double-bind often faced by marginalised groups in predominantly masculine spaces (Jenson and de Castell 2013).

Beyond pixels: the invisible battlefield of gaming’s gender war

Our findings illuminated persistent problems within the video gaming community, revealing a complex evolution of gender-based discrimination. Participants acknowledged improvements in the representation of women in video games, noting a reduction in the over-sexualisation of female characters that was prevalent in the past (Paaben et al. 2017). However, our study suggests that the locus of discrimination has shifted, now emanating primarily from online public gaming communities. These spaces often function as gatekeepers, effectively marginalising women and pushing them out of video gaming environments. This shift in the source of discrimination aligns with Fox and Tang’s (2017a, b) work on sexism in video games and gaming communities, which highlights how online anonymity can exacerbate hostile behaviours. Our findings extend this understanding by emphasising how these community-driven exclusionary practices not only limit women’s participation but also impact their wellbeing and sense of identity as gamers. Critically, the persistence of discrimination despite improved in-game representation points to a disconnect between game content and gaming culture. This disjunction can be understood through the lens of cultivation theory (Gerbner et al. 1986), suggesting that while game content may be evolving, the attitudes fostered within gaming communities lag, potentially due to deeply ingrained gender norms and power dynamics. Further, the exploitation of women for others’ pleasure and entertainment in these spaces reflects broader societal issues of objectification and dehumanisation. Drawing on Nussbaum’s (1995) framework of objectification, we can interpret these behaviours as attempts to deny women’s autonomy and full personhood within gaming contexts. This ongoing objectification, even in the absence of overtly sexualised game content, emphasises the need for interventions that address not just representation in games, but also the social dynamics of gaming communities. Finally, the potential impact on women gamers’ wellbeing and identity formation is particularly concerning. These negative experiences may lead women to distance themselves from the gamer identity as a self-protective measure. However, this distancing could paradoxically reinforce the male-dominated nature of gaming spaces, creating a cyclical pattern of exclusion.

Implications

Our findings have significant implications for the gaming industry, gaming developers, and gaming communities. Primarily, they challenge the notion that interests and elements in video gaming are inherently gender-specific, instead suggesting that games could benefit from incorporating a broader spectrum of qualities that appeal to diverse players, regardless of gender. Previous research was limited in identifying women’s motivations to engage in video gaming, often suggesting that these motivations differ significantly from men (Lopez-Fernandez et al. 2019; Cudo et al. 2022b). However, our research identified that women gamers can also be motivated by escape elements, as well as gaining a sense of control, choice, and autonomy. This suggests more similarities between women and men gamers’ motivations than previously recognised, aligning with recent work by Wilhelm (2018) on the complex relationship between gender and gaming motivations.

These findings could inform game development practices, potentially leading to more inclusive and appealing experiences for a wider audience. However, it is crucial to approach this implication critically. While our research suggests potential avenues for more inclusive game design, we must acknowledge the complexity of this task and the ongoing efforts already underway in the industry. Many software houses have been actively working towards greater inclusion in video games, with varying degrees of success (Perreault et al. 2018). Our findings can complement these existing efforts by providing empirical insights into women gamers’ experiences and motivations. However, we recognise that creating more inclusive gaming environments is a complex challenge that is made further difficult by the binary constructions of gender apparent within the industry.

Importantly, our suggestions should be considered alongside the crucial role of narrative and authorial vision in game creation. Many game developers have already made significant strides in challenging male-dominated gaming culture through thoughtful storytelling and character development, as exemplified by games such as The Last of Us Part II (Bizzocchi and Tanenbaum 2011). Our findings can inform these narrative choices by providing insights into how women gamers engage with and interpret game narratives. Practical implementation of our findings could involve developing characters with complex motivations that resonate with diverse players, designing game mechanics that allow for multiple play styles and strategies, creating narratives that explore themes of identity, belonging, and agency, implementing inclusive character customisation options, and fostering in-game communities that celebrate diversity and discourage harassment.

Beyond game design, our findings have implications for addressing gender-based mistreatment in gaming communities. By illuminating how such behaviour has become normalised and maintained within gaming spaces (Ekiciler et al. 2022), we can potentially catalyse a critical examination of community norms and practices. This aligns with Freire’s (1970) concept of critical consciousness, suggesting that awareness of oppressive structures is the first step towards transformative action. However, as Fox and Tang (2017a, b) caution, simply exposing problematic behaviours may not be sufficient to change deeply ingrained attitudes. Instead, addressing these issues requires interventions at multiple ecological levels (Bronfenbrenner 1979), from promoting individual empathy to advocating for institutional policy changes and broader societal awareness. While our findings offer hope for positive change, it is important to acknowledge the potential for resistance. Massanari (2017) notes, attempts to address gender issues in gaming have sometimes led to backlash from certain community segments. Therefore, strategies for change must be carefully crafted to engage, rather than alienate, different parts of the gaming community.

Limitations and future research directions

Our sample included three international participants and nine from Australia, limiting our ability to address cultural differences comprehensively. This limitation aligns with Bauer’s (2019) call for more intersectional approaches in future research. Future cross-cultural studies could employ Hofstede’s cultural dimensions theory (Hofstede 1983) to explore how cultural factors influence women gamers’ experiences and identities. Such research could be particularly valuable in contexts where women face greater societal marginalisation, contributing to a more globally informed understanding of gender dynamics in gaming.

With only three of the 12 participants reporting as exclusively offline gamers, our study was skewed towards online gaming experiences. This imbalance may have overemphasised the impact of online communities on women’s gaming identities. As Eklund (2015) notes, offline gaming environments can offer different social dynamics and potentially less gender-based harassment. Future research could explore the experiences of offline women gamers, examining how their identities and experiences differ from those in online spaces. This could draw on social identity theory (Turner et al. 1979) to understand how gaming identities form in different contexts.

It is important to note that we made a deliberate choice to exclude participants who exclusively engage in mobile gaming, despite recognising that this is a rapidly growing sector of the gaming industry with significant female representation (Chang et al. 2022). This decision was based on several considerations. The experiences and social dynamics in mobile gaming differ substantially from those in console or computer-based environments (Snodgrass et al. 2011; Trepte et al. 2012; Chang et al. 2022), which were the primary focus in our study. Mobile gaming typically involves more casual, short-term engagements and less direct interaction with other players (Snodgrass et al. 2011; Trepte et al. 2012; Chang et al. 2022), potentially limiting the depth of social experiences and identity formation that we aimed to explore. Additionally, the gender dynamics and challenges faced by women in mobile gaming communities may differ from those in more traditional gaming platforms. By focusing on console and computer-based environments, we aimed to examine spaces where gender disparities and identity negotiations are often more pronounced and historically entrenched. However, we acknowledge that this decision potentially excludes a significant portion of the female gaming population and may limit the transferability of our findings to the broader gaming community. Future research could valuably explore the unique experiences of mobile gamers or conduct comparative studies across different gaming platforms to provide a more comprehensive understanding of women’s experiences in various gaming contexts.

The varied perceptions of what constitutes a gaming community among our participants highlight the need for further exploration of this concept. This aligns with Quandt and Kroger’s (2014) work on the changing nature of gaming communities in the digital age. Future research could delve deeper into how women gamers define and engage with gaming communities, both within and outside traditional gaming platforms. This could draw on McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) psychological sense of community theory to examine the structure and function of these communities. Additionally, while our study considered gender as a primary focus, future research could more explicitly adopt an intersectional approach (Crenshaw 1991) to examine how factors such as age, race, socioeconomic status, and sexual identity intersect with gender to shape gaming experiences. This could provide a more nuanced understanding of diversity within the category of women gamers. Finally, our research design limits our ability to track changes in women’s gaming identities and experiences over time. Future longitudinal studies could explore how women’s relationships with gaming evolve, potentially drawing on life course theory (Elder et al. 2003) to understand gaming in the context of broader life transitions and societal changes.

Conclusion

In conclusion, our qualitative study provides valuable insights into how women gamers conceptualise their identities and experiences within the gaming context. Our findings reveal a complex landscape where women actively navigate and shape their gaming experiences, often in the face of persistent challenges. The themes that were constructed—the importance of community, the struggle for gender equality and representation, the need for protective strategies, and gaming as a means of escapism and empowerment, highlight both the positive aspects and ongoing issues within gaming culture. These insights contribute to a more nuanced understanding of gender dynamics in gaming, challenging simplistic narratives and revealing the diverse ways that women engage with, and find meaning in, gaming. While progress has been made in some areas, such as improved in-game representation, our study emphasises the need for continued efforts to create more inclusive gaming environments, particularly in online communities. This research not only adds to the academic discourse on gender and gaming but also has practical implications for game developers, community managers, and policymakers. By centring women’s voices and experiences, we hope this study will contribute to the ongoing transformation of gaming culture, fostering spaces that are more equitable, diverse, and welcoming to all players.