Skip to main content

Security, Nature and Mercantilism in the Early British Empire

Abstract

The emergence of an extensive transnational discourse of ´security´ was intrinsic to the self-understanding of the emerging British Empire as such, which was mostly concerned with military and naval defensive power. Though the awareness and consciousness of the environment´s vulnerability in the sense of a pre-romantic conservation of nature as such, has been identified by environmental history also as a part of early British imperial communication, it was seldom associated with ´security´. Early elements of ´environmental security´ can only be found where the infrastructure of that expanding empire was concerned within four fields: (1) natural disasters—foremost dearth, droughts and their impact on the shortage of the grain supply; (2) shortages of wood, to which the shipbuilding industry and thereby the security infrastructure itself were highly sensitive; (3) concepts of climate and acclimatization applied to agricultural theories as far as one may discern a link to ´security´; (4) humans as part of nature as they were addressed mostly within populationist discourse. We might, therefore, detect here the imperial roots of environmental security—not in the sense of a necessary teleological unfolding, but in the meaning of a perhaps unexpected, side-stepping form of relationship between the periods.

This is a preview of subscription content, access via your institution.

Notes

  1. 1.

    Leng 2008, pp. 63, 66, 90, 166. In contrast, Harper did not concentrate on ´security´ as an aim of the Navigation Act, nor did Steele 1968, but cf. the recurring theme of care for security in the documents cited, ibid. p. 72, 125, 167, 180.

  2. 2.

    "The better securing our Plantation Trade" (Cary 1695, f. A4v); "[…] the Trade of this Kingdom might be secured with no greater Expence to the Government than now ´tis at […]" (ibid., p. 27); "Trades securer […]" (ibid., p. 28f., 65); "Security […] of that Island [Ireland]" (ibid., pp. 93, 96, 98). Cf. Reinert 2011.

  3. 3.

    "And the best security, in those parts, against any future designs or attempts from our neighbours, will probably be to have, both in the East and West-Indies, a naval strength which shall at best be equal to theirs" (Davenant 1771a/1698, p. 456).

  4. 4.

    "Or Secondly, they say, that if this Trade be taken into the protection of the Government, it will have the Joint stock of the Kingdom to secure it, the same by which we are all secured" (Petyt 1689, p. 145).

  5. 5.

    All bibliographies show 1750 to be a consistently decisive moment for the take-off of the French economic discourse: cf. INED 1956; Théré 1998, p. 11; Reinert 2011, pp. 52–60. The tradition of economic advisory mémoire writing was already important under Richelieu (Hauser 1944; Thomson 2007). With the creation, or rather stabilization, of the French council of commerce in 1701, distinct series of such mémoires started to grow, of which the series F-12 in the Archives nationales (site Pierrefitte) is most important (cf. Schaeper 1983; Kammerling Smith 2002). However, usually those mémoires were concerned with particular regions, types of commerce and particular issues of reform, they seldom address French commerce in a similarly general way as the British mercantilists had before 1750. The same holds true—despite important exceptions with the Abbé St. Pierre, Melon, John Law—for the fonds of mémoires of the Chambre de commerce in Marseille (H5–H9), Zwierlein 2016, pp. 60–72, 230–237.

  6. 6.

    Sixteenth century note to the commentary of Baldus to Dig. I, 8, 2, 1 (De divisione rerum & qualitate): „Adde, quod Veneti sunt domini maris Adriatici, & littorum etiam, scilicet in genere, non in specie, quia littora sunt ciuitatum adiacentium littora“ (Baldus 1599, f. 43r). On the Venetian tradition cf. Acquaviva and Scovazzi 2007 and Calafat 2013, part I, chap. 2.

  7. 7.

    Cf. the introduction with the note 2.

  8. 8.

    For the spatial notion of security in matters cf. Zwierlein 2015, pp. 119–125. Though it has to be noted that the late-medieval concept of the English king as protector and ´lord of the Sea´ was also widened and merged with that newer strand of development. Welwood, Davies, Selden were themselves key actors in that process as they reconstructed a consistent discourse on the basis of diligent research into old Common law sources, merging this with the Venetian Civil law tradition.

  9. 9.

    "[…] for as Nation shou´d Trade with Nation, so all the Subjects of any particular Nation, by their Birthrights, have equally a Title to Trade where they can with the best Advantage: This is undoubtedly the Grand Magna Charta that God has granted to the Children of Men, the Charter of the whole World, where the People are all Incorporated." (Baston 1716, p. 2).

  10. 10.

    Mueller-Wille (1999); Barsanti et al. (2005); a good contemporary overview over the development of the systems of classification and their differences from Antiquity to his own time cf. Adanson (1763), préface, pp. 5–278. On the economic thought that was orienting his research, a Swedish form of German cameralism, Koerner 1999; her re-setting of Linnaeus´ seemingly purely classificatory work within the functional context of cameralist improvement of Swedish state economy has been continued and widened by Jonsson 2010.

  11. 11.

    On Linnaeus´s acceptance of the emergence of new genera through hybridisation in 1764 cf. Mueller-Wille (1999), pp. 280–284.

  12. 12.

    Rudwick 1976; for Athanasius Kircher whose Mundus subterraneus challenged the work of the early Royal Society around Henry Oldenburg, John Evelyn, Robert Boyle cf. Fletcher (2011).

  13. 13.

    Economic historians have been working for decades on an assessment of the damage, cf. Pereira (2009), but mercantilist and enlightened economic theory did not devote much attention to something like a macro-economic theory of calculating or estimating the impact of floods and earthquakes beyond what administrative damage assessment had reached, for instance in the field of territorial fire insurance. Cf. on the history of earthquakes in France in all its dimensions Quenet (2005); bibliography on the Lisbon earthquake is vast, just cf. Poirier (2005); Lauer and Unger (2014).

  14. 14.

    For reflections on the grain trade and granaries within mercantilist discourse cf. Yarranton (1677), pp. 133, 163; Davenant (1771b/1699), pp. 163–382, 225 ("good and prudent oeconomy"); Petyt (1689), p. 31. The biblical reference was always to Joseph´s administrative work in Egypt and his care for the grain supply. This had already been used much earlier in European state practices like in the Calvinist Palatinate under Johann Casimir (cf. edict of August 19, 1588, Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe Abt. 43/297: Notspeicherverordnung referring to 1 Macc:14. Under John Casimir, a system of six granaries built in the central towns of the territory’s administrative districts was established. In addition to an initial stock of 1250 Malter (the measure) of grain and 1650 florins as cash deposit, the temporary usufruct of reverting fiefs and prebends was used to increase it, an administration established that was responsible for surveying the state of access to grain in the country, to use any potential surplus for trading, and to manage the equalizing of the grain price in the country by way of supporting villages short of grain and by collecting contributions to the stock in good harvest years). Cf. Collet (2010) on the German cameralist discussion on granaries ca. 200 years later. At that time, Europeans had started to compare their own provisions for grain supply on a global scale: cf. the detailed analysis of the granary system of the Chinese Empire by an anonymous French missionary based in Peking 1768: Mémoire sur la conservation et la police des grains à la Chine, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Ms. Nouvelles acquisitions françaises 22335, f. 342–372v.

  15. 15.

    It is a now well-established result of Indian historiography since the 1980s that the Nineteenth Century British Imperial Government imported German and French forestry expertise from and during a later period for the reordering and reshaping of Indian forestry (Rajan 2006; Barton 2002; Sivaramakrishnan 1999; Sivaramakrishnan 2008; Williams 2006, pp. 326–340; Knudsen 2011). But the relationship between forestry, food supply and the shipping industry was already discussed in the mercantilist discourse of the early British Empire. On the interlinkage of British and Colonial American shipbuilding industries cf. McCusker and Menard 1991, pp. 318–321 with literature in n. 15 and 17; and the still classic Davis 2012, pp. 18–20 and passim: timber imports grew immensely in the second half of the seventeenth century, first from the Baltic, then from the Americas. At that time, it became the largest of all foreign trades (ibid., 91). Later, at the turn from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century, India became important for wood production—first for shipbuilding, and later for the railway industry on the subcontinent itself. Davis also drew on the British mercantilists like Brewster who articulated the centrality of wood supply for these purposes.

  16. 16.

    Hartley (2010) with the “Quaeries touching the Praeserving of Tymber now growing And planting more in His Majesty´s Dominions of England & Wales” on p. 245f. On the queries as epistemic device of the early Society cf. Hunter (2007); for a similar early case Zwierlein (2016), pp. 257–275.

  17. 17.

    I am not referring here to climate history as an explanatory approach, but the past climate theory as a framework for settler perceptions. This is a question that had been early addressed by Kupperman (1984a, b). Cf. now White (2015), Zilberstein (2016).

  18. 18.

    Cf. for the French case, the classical (Spengler 1954; Hecht 1977; Perrot 1992). For the British case, Campbell (1960). For Central Europe Nipperdey (2012).

  19. 19.

    The text started with a reminder of Malthus and an introduction into the difference between linear and exponential growth in a manner close to a teacher´s lesson in elementary schools, cf. note 53.

  20. 20.

    "In the Antient Descriptions, the Countries are full of Vast Woods, wild Beasts; the Inhabitants barbarous, and as wild, without Arts, and the Governments are like Colonies, or Herds of People: But in the Modern, the Woods are cut down, and the Lyons, Bears, and wild Beasts destroyed […]" (Barbon 1690, 44f.).

  21. 21.

    "To Transplant the Conquered into a Remote Country, as formerly, is not to be Practised; There is now no Room, the World is full of People" (Barbon 1690, p. 56).

References

  1. Acquaviva G, Scovazzi T (2007) Il dominio di Venezia sul mare adriatico nelle opere di Paolo Sarpi e Giulio Pace. Giuffrè, Milano

    Google Scholar 

  2. Adanson M (1763) Familles des plantes, partie I. Vincent, Paris

    Book  Google Scholar 

  3. Albion RG (1926) Forests and sea-power: the timber problem of the Royal Navy 1652–1862. Harvard University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  4. Appleby JO (1978) Economic thought and ideology in seventeenth century England. Princeton University Press, Princeton

    Google Scholar 

  5. Armitage D (2000) The ideological origins of empire. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  6. Armitage D (2012) Foundations of modern international thought. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  7. Baldus de Ubaldis (1599) In primam digesti veteris partem Commentaria. Giunta, Venice

  8. Barbon N et al (2005) A discourse on trade. Milbourn, London

    Google Scholar 

  9. Barsanti G et al (2005) Les fondements de la botanique. Linné et la classification des plantes. Vuibert, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  10. Barton G (2002) Empire forestry and the origins of environmentalism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  11. Bashford A, Chaplin JE (2016) The new worlds of Thomas Robert Malthus. rereading the principle of population. Princeton University Press, Princeton

    Book  Google Scholar 

  12. Baston T (1716) Thoughts on trade, and a publick spirit. S.l., London

  13. Boardman J (1980) The Greeks overseas: their early colonies and trade, 3rd edn. Thames and Hudson, London

    Google Scholar 

  14. Boyle R (2008) The history of fluidity and firmness. In: Id., The works, Hunter M (ed), vol 2, pp 116–204

  15. Brewster F (1695) Essays on trade and navigation. Cockerill, London

    Google Scholar 

  16. Calafat G (2013) Une mer jalousée. Juridictions maritimes, ports francs et régulation du commerce en Méditerranée (1590–1740), thèse de doctorat Paris I—Università di Pisa

  17. Campbell M (1960) ´Of people either too few or too many´. The conflict of opinion on population and its relation to emigration. In: Aiken WA, Henning BD (eds) Conflict in Stuart England. Essays in honour of Wallace Notestein. Cape, London, pp 169–201

    Google Scholar 

  18. Charbonnel N, Morbito M (1987) Les rivages de la mer: droit romain et glossateurs. Revue historique de droit français et étranger 65:23–44

    Google Scholar 

  19. Cole CW (1939) Colbert and a century of French Mercantilism, vol 2. Columbia University Press, New York

    Google Scholar 

  20. Collet D (2010) Storage and starvation: public granaries as agents of ´food security´ in early modern Europe. Hist Soc Res 35(4):238–256

    Google Scholar 

  21. Davenant C (1771a/1698) Discourses on the public revenues and on trade, disc. II: discourse on the protection and care of trade. In: Id., The political and commercial works, vol I, London, pp 394–459

  22. Davenant C (1771b/1699) An essay upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the balance of trade. In: Id., The political and commercial works, vol II. Horsefeld, London, pp 163–382

  23. Davenant C (1771c/1698) Discourses on the public revenues, and on trade. Part II, disc. IV: on the east-India trade. In: Davenant: Works, vol II, pp 77–162

  24. Davis R (1967) Aleppo and Devonshire Square. English traders in the levant in the eighteenth century. Macmillan, London

    Google Scholar 

  25. Davis R (2012) The rise of the English shipping industry in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Reprint ed. Internat. Maritime Economic History Association, St. John´s

  26. De Baere B (2004) La pensée cosmogonique de Buffon. Percer la nuit des temps. Champion, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  27. Defoe D (1728) A Plan of the English Commerce. Being a compleat prospect of the trade of this nation, as well the home trade as the foreign. Rivington, London

    Google Scholar 

  28. Deringer WP (2013) Finding the money: public accounting, political arithmetic, and probability in the 1690s. J Br Stud 52(3):638–668

    Article  Google Scholar 

  29. Dickerson OM (1951) The navigation acts and the American revolution. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia

    Google Scholar 

  30. Dominick RH (1992) The environmental movement in Germany. Prophets and pioneers, 1871–1971. Indiana University Press, Bloomington

    Google Scholar 

  31. Engerman SL (1994) Mercantilism and overseas trade, 1700–1800. In: Floud R, McCloskey D (eds) The economic history of Britain since 1700, 1700–1860, vol 1, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 182–204

    Google Scholar 

  32. Finkelstein A (2000a) Harmony and the balance. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor

    Book  Google Scholar 

  33. Finkelstein A (2000b) Nicholas Barbon and the quality of infinity. Hist Polit Econ 32(1):84–102

    Article  Google Scholar 

  34. Fletcher JE (2011) A study of the life and works of Athanasius Kircher, ´Germanus incredibilis´. Brill, Leiden

    Book  Google Scholar 

  35. Gleitsmann R-J (1980) Rohstoffmangel und Lösungsstrategien: Das Problem vorindustrieller Holzknappheit. Technologie und Politik 16:104–154

    Google Scholar 

  36. Grove R (1995) Green imperialism. Colonial expansion, tropical island Edens and the origins of environmentalism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  37. Hahn F (2006) Von Unsinn bis Untergang: Rezeption des Club of Rome und der Grenzen des Wachstums in der Bundesrepublik der frühen 1970er Jahre. Dissertation, University of Freiburg

  38. Harper LA (1939/1973) The English navigation laws. A seventeenth century experiment in social engineering. Columbia University Press, New York

  39. Härter K (ed) (2000) Policey und frühneuzeitliche Gesellschaft. Klostermann, Frankfurt

    Google Scholar 

  40. Härter K (2010) Security and ´Gute Policey´ in early modern Europe: concepts, laws, and instruments. Hist Soc Res 35(4):41–65

    Google Scholar 

  41. Hartley B (2010) Exploring and communicating knowledge of trees in the Early Royal Society. Notes Rec R Soc 64:229–250

    Article  Google Scholar 

  42. Hauser H (1944) La pensée et l´action économiques du Cardinal de Richelieu. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  43. Hecht J (1977) L´idée de dénombrement jusqu´à la Révolution. In: Pour une histoire de la statistique. Journées d´étude sur l´histoire de la statistique, vol 1: Contributions. INED, Paris, pp 21–81

  44. Heckscher EF (1939/1994) Mercantilism, transl. M Shapiro, introd. Magnusson L, vol 2. Routledge, London

  45. Hoon EE (1938) The organization of the English customs system 1696–1786. Appleton-Century, New York

    Google Scholar 

  46. Hoquet T (2005) Buffon: Histoire naturelle et philosophie. Champion, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  47. Huggett R (1989) Cataclysms and earth history. The development of diluvialism. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Google Scholar 

  48. Humpert M (1937) Bibliographie der Kameralwissenschaften. Böhlau, Cologne

    Google Scholar 

  49. Hunter M (2007) Robert Boyle and the early Royal Society: A reciprocal exchange in the making of Baconian science. Br J Hist Sci 40(1):1–23

    Article  Google Scholar 

  50. INED (1956) Économie et population. Les doctrines françaises avant 1800. Bibliographie générale commentée. INED, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  51. Innis HA (1940/1978) The cod fisheries. The history of an international economy. Yale University Press, New Haven

  52. Isenmann M (2016) (Non-)Knowledge, political economy and trade policy in seventeenth-century France: the problem of trade balances. In: Zwierlein C (ed) The dark side of knowledge. Histories of ignorance, 1400–1800. Brill, Leiden, pp 139–156

    Google Scholar 

  53. Isenmann M (2014) Einleitung. In: Id. (ed.), Merkantilismus. Wiederaufnahme einer Debatte. Steiner, Stuttgart, pp 9–17

  54. Jonsson FA (2010) Rival ecologies of global commerce: Adam Smith and the natural historians. Am Hist Rev 115(5):1342–1363

    Article  Google Scholar 

  55. Kammerling Smith D (2002) Structuring politics in early eighteenth-century France: the political innovations of the French Council of Commerce. J Modern Hist 74(3):490–537

    Article  Google Scholar 

  56. Knoll M (2004) Umwelt—Herrschaft—Gesellschaft. Die landesherrliche Jagd Kurbayerns im 18. Jahrhundert. Scripta Mercaturae, St. Katharinen

    Google Scholar 

  57. Knudsen A (2011) Logging the Frontier. Narratives of deforestation in the Northern Borderlands of British India, c. 1850–1940. Forum Dev Stud 38(3):299–319

    Article  Google Scholar 

  58. Koerner L (1999) Linnaeus. Nature and nation. Harvard University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  59. Kupperman KO (1984) Fear of hot climates in the Anglo-American colonial experience. William Mary Q 41(2):213–240

    Article  Google Scholar 

  60. Kuppermann KO (1984) Climate and mastery of the wilderness in seventeenth-century New England. In: Hall DD, Allen DG (eds) Seventeenth-century New England. Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Boston, pp 3–37

    Google Scholar 

  61. Kurlansky M (1997) Cod: a biography of the fish that changed the world. Walker, New York

    Google Scholar 

  62. Lauer G, Unger T (2014) Das Erdbeben von Lissabon und der Katastrophendiskurs im 18. Jahrhundert, vol 2. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen

    Google Scholar 

  63. Leibniz GW (2008) Protogaea, transl. Cohen C, Wakefield A. Chicago University Press, Chicago

    Google Scholar 

  64. Leng T (2008) Benjamin Worsley (1618–1677). Trade, interest and the spirit in revolutionary England. Boydell, Rochester

    Google Scholar 

  65. Lepenies W (1976) Das Ende der Naturgeschichte. Verzeitlichung und Enthistorisierung in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts. Hanser, München-Wien

    Google Scholar 

  66. Letwin W (1963) The origins of scientific economics. English economic thought, 1660–1776. Methuen, Westport

    Google Scholar 

  67. Magnusson L (1994) Mercantilism: the shaping of an economic language. Palgrave, London

    Book  Google Scholar 

  68. Martin T (ed) (2003) Arithmétique politique dans la France du XVIIIe siècles. INED, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  69. McCormick T (2009) William Petty and the ambitions of political arithmetic. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Book  Google Scholar 

  70. McCormick T (2016) Who were the pre-Malthusians? In: Mayhew RJ (ed) New perspectives on Malthus. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  71. McCusker JJ, Menard RR (1991) The economy of British America, 1607–1789. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill

    Google Scholar 

  72. McNeill JR, McNeill WH (2003) The human web. A bird’s eye view of world history. Nortons, New York

    Google Scholar 

  73. McPhee P (1999) Revolution and environment in Southern France, 1780–1830. Peasants, lords, and murder in the Corbières. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Book  Google Scholar 

  74. Meadows D et al (1972) The limits of growth. Signet Books, New York

    Google Scholar 

  75. Merchant C (1993) Major problems in American environmental history. Documents and essays. Toronto University Press, Toronto

    Google Scholar 

  76. Merchant C (2002) The Columbia guide to American environmental history. Columbia University Press, New York

    Google Scholar 

  77. Merrett RJ (2013) Daniel Defoe: contrarian. University of Toronto Press, Toronto

    Book  Google Scholar 

  78. Meyssonnier S (1989) La balance et l´horloge: la genèse de la pensée libérale en France au XVIIIe siècle. Montreuil, Ed. de la Passion

  79. Michell AR (1977) The European fisheries in early modern history. In: Rich EE, Wilson CH (eds) The economic organization of early modern Europe. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 133–184

    Google Scholar 

  80. Morgan K (2002) Mercantilism and the British Empire, 1688-1815. In: Winch D, O´Brian PK (eds) The political economy of British historical experience, 1688-1914. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 165–191

    Google Scholar 

  81. Mueller-Wille S (1999) Botanik und weltweiter Handel. Zur Begründung eines Natürlichen systems der Pflanzen durch Carl von Linné (1707–1778). VWB, Berlin

  82. Nipperdey J (2012) Die Erfindung der Bevölkerungspolitik: Staat, politische Theorie und Population in der Frühen Neuzeit. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen

    Book  Google Scholar 

  83. Novak ME (2008) Defoe as defender of the government, 1727–1729: a reattribution and a new attribution. Huntington Lib Quart 71(3):503–512

    Article  Google Scholar 

  84. Pereira AS (2009) The opportunity of a disaster: the economic impact of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake. J Econ Hist 69(2):466–499

    Article  Google Scholar 

  85. Perrot J-C (1992) Une histoire intellectuelle de l´économie politique, XVIIe–XVIIIe siècle. EHESS, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  86. Petyt W (1689) Britannia languens: or, a discourse of trade. Baldwyn, London

    Google Scholar 

  87. Pillorget R, Pillorget S (1995) France Baroque, France classique 1589–1715. II. Dictionnaire. Lafont, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  88. Pincus S (1998) Neither Machiavellian moment nor possessive individualism: commercial society and the defenders of the English commonwealth. Am Hist Rev 103(3):705–736

    Article  Google Scholar 

  89. Pincus S (2012) Rethinking mercantilism: political economy, the British empire, and the Atlantic world in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. William Mary Q 69(1):3–34

    Article  Google Scholar 

  90. Poirier J-P (2005) Le tremblement de terre de Lisbonne 1755. Odile Jacob, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  91. Popplow M (ed) (2010) Landschaften agrarisch-ökonomischen Wissens: Strategien innovativer Ressourcennutzung in Zeitschriften und Sozietäten des 18. Jahrhunderts. Waxmann, Münster

    Google Scholar 

  92. Quenet G (2005) Les tremblements de terre aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: la naissance d´un risque. Époques, Seyssel

    Google Scholar 

  93. Quinn DB (ed) (1955) The Roanoke voyages, 1584–590. Hakluyt Society, London

    Google Scholar 

  94. Radkau J (1976) Zur angeblichen Energiekrise des 18. Jahrhunderts. Revisionistische Betrachtungen über die ´Holznot´. Vierteljahreshefte für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 73:1–31

    Google Scholar 

  95. Radkau J (1983) Holzverknappung und Krisenbewußtsein im 18. Jahrhundert. Geschichte und Gesellschaft 9:513–543

    Google Scholar 

  96. Raeff M (1983) The well-ordered police state. Yale University Press, New Haven

    Google Scholar 

  97. Raith R (2011) Umweltgeschichte der Frühen Neuzeit. Oldenbourg, Berlin

    Book  Google Scholar 

  98. Rajan SR (2006) Modernizing nature. Forestry and imperial eco-development, 1800–1950. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Book  Google Scholar 

  99. Reinert SA (2011) Translating empire. Emulation and the origins of political economy. Harvard University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  100. Richards JF (2003) The unending frontier. An environmental history of the early modern world. Berkeley University Press, Berkeley

    Google Scholar 

  101. Rudwick MJS (1976) The meaning of fossils. Episodes in the history of paleontology. Neale Watson, New York

    Google Scholar 

  102. Sallares R (1996) The ecology of the ancient greek world. Duckworth Press, London

    Google Scholar 

  103. Sandl M (1999) Ökonomie des Raums. Der kameralwissenschaftliche Entwurf der Staatswirtschaft im 18. Jahrhundert. Böhlau, Cologne

    Google Scholar 

  104. Schaeper TJ (1983) The French Council of Commerce, 1700–1715. A study of mercantilism after Colbert. Ohio State University Press, Columbus

    Google Scholar 

  105. Schiera P (1968) Il cameralismo e l´assolutismo tedesco. Dall´arte di governo alle scienze dello stato. Giuffrè, Milano

    Google Scholar 

  106. Schulz-Walden T (2013) Anfänge globaler Umweltpolitik. Umweltsicherheit in der internationalen Politik (1969–1975). Oldenbourg, Munich

    Book  Google Scholar 

  107. Seguin MS (2001) Science et religion dans la pensée française du XVIIIe siècle: le mythe du Déluge universel. Champion, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  108. Shovlin J (2006) The political economy of virtue: luxury, patriotism, and the origins of the French Revolution. Cornell University Press, Ithaca

    Google Scholar 

  109. Simmons IG (2001) An Environmental History of Great Britain. From 10,000 Years Ago to the Present. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh

    Google Scholar 

  110. Sirota B S (2014) The church: Anglicanism and the nationalization of maritime space. In: Stern, Wennerling (eds), pp 196–217

  111. Sivaramakrishnan K (1999) Modern forests: statemaking and environmental change in colonial Eastern India. Stanford University Press, Stanford

    Google Scholar 

  112. Sivaramakrishnan K (2008) Science, environment and empire history: comparative perspectives from forests in colonial India. Environ Hist 14:41–65

    Article  Google Scholar 

  113. Smout C (2000) Nature contested: environmental history in Scotland and Northern Ireland since 1600. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh

    Google Scholar 

  114. Somos M (2012) Selden´s Mare Clausum. The secularisation of international law and the rise of soft imperialism. J Hist Int Law 14:287–330

    Google Scholar 

  115. Spengler JJ (1954) Économie et population. Les doctrines françaises avant 1800. INED, Paris

    Google Scholar 

  116. Steele IK (1968) Politics of colonial policy. The Board of Trade in colonial administration, 1696–1720. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Google Scholar 

  117. Stern PJ, Wennerlind C (eds) (2014) Mercantilism reimagined. Political economy in early modern Britain and its empire. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Google Scholar 

  118. Théré C (1998) Economic publishing and authors, 1566–1789. In: Fascarello G (ed) Studies in the history of French political economy. From Bodin to Waltas. London, pp 1–56

  119. Thomson E (2007) France´s Grotian moment? Hugo Grotius and Cardinal Richelieu´s commercial statecraft. Fr Hist 21(4):377–394

    Article  Google Scholar 

  120. Trevers J (1677) An essay to the restoring of our decayed trade. Giles, London

    Google Scholar 

  121. Tribe K (1988) Governing economy: the reformation of german economic discourse 1750–1840. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

  122. van Ittersum MJ (2006) Profit and principle: Hugo Grotius: natural rights theories and the rise of Dutch power in the East Indies, 1595–1615. Brill, Boston

    Google Scholar 

  123. Vardi L (2012) The physiocrats and the world of the enlightenment. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  124. Virol M (2003) Vauban: de la gloire du roi au service de l´État. Époques, Seyssel

    Google Scholar 

  125. Walwyn W (1989) Conceptions for a free trade. In: Id., Writings, MacMichael JR, Taft B (eds). University of Georgia Press, Athens, pp 446–452

  126. Warde P (2006) Fear of wood shortage and the reality of the woodland in Europe, c. 1450—1850. Hist Workshop J 62:28–57

    Article  Google Scholar 

  127. Whiston J (1695) The causes of our present calamities in reference to the trade of the nation, s.n., s.l

  128. White S (2011) The climate of rebellion in the early modern Ottoman empire. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Book  Google Scholar 

  129. White S (2015) ´Shewing the difference between their conjuration, and our invocation on the name of God for rayne´: Weather, prayer, and magic in early American encounters. William Mary Q 72(1):33–56

    Article  Google Scholar 

  130. Williams M (2006) Deforesting the earth. From prehistory to global crisis. An abridgment. Chicago University Press, Chicago

    Book  Google Scholar 

  131. Yarranton A (1677) England´s improvement by sea and land. Everingham, London

    Google Scholar 

  132. Zilberstein A (2016) A temperate empire. Making Climate change in early America. Oxford University Press, Oxford

    Book  Google Scholar 

  133. Zwierlein C (2011) Der gezähmte Prometheus. Feuer und Sicherheit zwischen Früher Neuzeit und Moderne. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen

    Google Scholar 

  134. Zwierlein C (2015) Se-curare, sine cura, se-curitas, assecuratio: Innovationen der Sicherheitsproduktion in der Renaissance. In: Melville G, Vogt-Spira G, Breitenstein M (eds) Sorge. Böhlau, Cologne, pp 109–135

    Google Scholar 

  135. Zwierlein C (2016) Imperial unknowns. The French and the British in the Mediterranean, 1650–1750. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Cornel Zwierlein.

Additional information

English editing by Stephen Walsh.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and Permissions

About this article

Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Zwierlein, C. Security, Nature and Mercantilism in the Early British Empire. Eur J Secur Res 3, 15–34 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41125-017-0025-5

Download citation

Keywords

  • British empire
  • Early modern history
  • Environmental security
  • Wood
  • Shipbuilding
  • Natural disaster
  • Dearth
  • Acclimatization
  • Mercantilism
  • Charles Davenant
  • Nicholas Barbon
  • Navigation act
  • Economic growth