Introduction

The social differences characteristic of autism spectrum disorder (hereafter, “autism”) can present lifelong challenges across various environments and aspects of daily life (Howlin & Magiati, 2017; Smith & White, 2020). Regarding the social aspects of day-to-day functioning, many autisticFootnote 1 individuals desire social relationships (Bennett et al., 2018). However, their communication profile of strengths and challenges can sometimes create difficulties in navigating social interactions in ways that align with conventional social and cultural norms (Calder et al., 2013; Causton-Theoharis et al., 2009; DeBrabander et al., 2019). For example, autistic individuals have reported difficulties with interpreting nonverbal communication, following conversation topics, or being overstimulated during conversations (Causton-Theoharis et al., 2009; Cook et al., 2018; Sedgewick et al., 2016). These difficulties may then influence the formation of authentic friendships and romantic relationships, sometimes leading to differences in the quantity or quality of friendships compared to their non-autistic counterparts (Billstedt et al., 2011). Specifically, research has suggested that friendships may, at times, manifest in ways that some might perceive as superficial, show certain limitations in connection, or involve a level of reliance on support from parents and caregivers (Levy & Perry, 2011).

Developing genuine connection with others is a key component of belonging. Current research, as described below, conceptualizes belonging to be the internal feeling of being welcomed, valued, and understood for one’s authentic self. It is the feeling of being an integral part of a collective, where individuals can express their identities, beliefs, and perspectives without fear of judgement or rejection (Botha et al., 2022; Carter, 2021). Carter (2021), using a broader intellectual and developmental disabilities perspective, identified 10 dimensions of belonging that may carry importance to intellectually and developmentally disabled individuals and their families. Carter claimed that people experience belonging when they are present, invited, welcomed, known, accepted, supported, heard, befriended, needed, and loved for who they are (Carter, 2021). Belonging involves mutual respect, trust, and reciprocity, allowing individuals to form meaningful connections and establish supportive relationships with others (Carter, 2021). As society is gaining a better understanding of autism, communities are transitioning to a space of belonging. Specifically, society is moving from a physical space where autistic individuals are permitted to enter to an emotional space where autistic individuals feel connected to that community because they are valued and accepted (Carter, 2021; Haegele & Maher, 2022).

Moreover, belonging is closely tied to a sense of safety and psychological well-being (Krieger et al., 2018; Milton & Sims, 2016). When individuals feel that they belong, they experience a sense of emotional security and psychological comfort, knowing that they have a support system and a place to turn in times of need (Krieger et al., 2018). This sense of safety allows for individuals to be vulnerable, express their true selves, and explore their potential, leading to personal growth and self-actualization. The development of social support (e.g., friendships), community connections (e.g., meeting people in hobby groups), and other positive peer interactions promotes favorable outcomes and can directly influence feelings of belonging, acceptance, and value (e.g., being a contributing member to society; Haegele & Maher, 2022; Leigh-Hunt et al., 2017; Spencer-Cavaliere & Watkinson, 2010; Wentzel, 2017).

Understanding the connection between social relationships and emotional well-being among autistic individuals is especially important because research suggests that autistic individuals are at increased risk for anxiety, depression, and suicide (DeFilippis, 2018; Hollocks et al., 2019; Kent & Simonoff, 2017; Magnuson & Constantino, 2011; Pelton et al., 2020). The limited number of close friendships and social relationships can pose challenges for autistic people, as it frequently leads to experiences of loneliness (Mazurek, 2014; Smith & White, 2020). Loneliness and social support have contrasting effects on overall well-being (Leigh-Hunt et al., 2017; Mazurek, 2014). Loneliness is linked to higher levels of depression and anxiety, while reduced feelings of loneliness are associated with greater life satisfaction and self-esteem (Mazurek, 2014; Smith & White, 2020). In contrast, social support, or the acceptance and encouragement provided by social groups like family or peers, counteracts loneliness and is correlated with greater peer acceptance (Mazurek, 2014). Social support also aids autistic individuals in achieving social goals, such as increasing the ability to make weekend social plans (e.g., demonstration of the steps necessary to organize and host social events) and developing friendships and romantic relationships (e.g., discussion of ways to deepen a friendship), both of which improve overall well-being (Ncube et al., 2019). Social support may be particularly beneficial to autistic individuals in achieving emotional well-being and belonging due to the explicit and person-centered instruction that eliminates complex social nuances that may be difficulty to notice otherwise.

Understanding the sense of belonging in social relationships within the context of adolescence is particularly important given significant social transformation and peer interactions at this stage of development (Orben et al., 2020). Peer interactions and social support play a crucial role in adolescence, as they contribute to identity development, emotional well-being, and the cultivation of vital social skills (Schall & McDonough, 2010). During adolescence, youth shift to spending more time with peers than family and strengthen complex friendships (Lam et al., 2014). When compared to non-autistic peers, autistic adolescents demonstrate comparable participation levels at home but significantly lower participation levels in school and the community (Lamash et al., 2020). While autistic adolescents show similar increases in social interest compared to their non-autistic counterparts, autistic adolescents continue to face difficulties in establishing social interactions (Schall & McDonough, 2010). Challenges in forming social relationships could, at least in part, stem from difficulty comprehending social norms and adjusting to the unpredictable nature of social interactions (Cage et al., 2016). Among both autistic and non-autistic adolescents, problems with peer relationships and rejection are risk factors for mental health conditions in adolescence (Arseneault, 2018; Platt et al., 2013). With adolescents’ social self-identity forming and maturing during this developmental period (Pfeifer & Berkman, 2018), it is necessary to look at experiences unique to this age group. Specifically, autistic adolescents experience ostracism and discrimination and are, therefore, particularly vulnerable to forming a negative self-concept during adolescence when they are more attuned to peer acceptance, rejection, and approval (Foulkes & Blakemore, 2016; Han et al., 2022; Pfeifer & Berkman, 2018; Sebastian et al., 2011; Somerville, 2013).

When specifically asked about their sense of belonging in society, autistic individuals most often recall negative peer interactions (e.g., verbal aggression, physical bullying) and limited engagement in activities (Humphrey & Symes, 2011). These negative associations highlight the critical significance of fostering a sense of belonging and community connectedness among autistic individuals (Milton & Sims, 2016). Consequently, a preliminary step entails developing a comprehensive understanding of the unique needs of autistic individuals to facilitate belonging. Despite adolescence being a critical period in the development of social relationships and interactions, very few studies have examined autistic adolescents’ perspectives of belonging or how their autism identity may influence their conceptualization of belonging. Previous literature often combines school-aged children and adolescents when examining aspects of inclusion and belonging (Foley et al., 2012; Over, 2016). The combination of school-aged children and adolescents may dilute the autistic adolescents’ experiences in a vastly different phase of life with the transition from childhood to adulthood. Additionally, previous studies either focus primarily on inclusion or explore inclusion and belonging together (Aubineau & Blicharska, 2020; Goodall, 2020; Ziegler et al., 2020). However, combining concepts of inclusion and belonging confounds our understanding of the differences in society’s efforts to include non-autistic individuals in comparison to autistic adolescents’ internal experience of belonging in society. A paucity of research exists examining belonging directly from the autistic adolescent perspective. Therefore, the current study aims to address the gaps in understanding belonging from the perspective of autistic adolescents. Specifically, we will evaluate both the qualitative and quantitative literature describing autistic adolescents’ understanding and experiences of belonging to provide a comprehensive perception of this important social concept.

Methods

We examined quantitative and qualitative research studies that (1) had participants who were autistic and between the average age of 10 and 24, (2) reported findings which addressed autistic adolescents’ personal experiences with belonging, and (3) were published between January 2013 and May 2023. Given the high level of other diagnoses present in autistic individuals, reviewers included studies that sampled autistic individuals with additional diagnoses. We limited the search to studies whose participants were between the average age of 10 and 24 to capture “adolescence,” as this age range corresponds with adolescent growth and cultural and societal perceptions of this developmental period (Sawyer et al., 2018). We reviewed studies that included individuals both inside and outside the ages of 10 to 24 if the article described the experiences of adolescents separately from other age groups. Additionally, we limited the search to articles published between 2013 and 2023 to allow for consistent conceptualizations of autism between articles due to the publication of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-V) in 2013 and the subsequent change to understanding autism as a spectrum and from a more social, rather than entirely medical, model.

Reviewers differentiated between inclusion, which focuses on creating an environment that accepts, accommodates, and embraces diversity, and belonging, which involves the internal feelings of acceptance, value, and inclusion (Carter, 2021). While Carter (2021) does not specifically examine the autistic belonging experience, his guidelines were used to inform the conceptualization and definition of belonging for the present review in order to compare the autistic experience with guidelines that capture the broader disability belonging literature. To that end, reviewers included studies that discussed social aspects of well-being that described concepts of belonging, such as acceptance and support, due to current literature that demonstrates the close association between the two ideas (Krieger et al., 2018; Milton & Sims, 2016). Reviewers also included studies that used the term “inclusion” to describe the internal experiences of autistic individuals (e.g., narratives from autistic people that described how they felt) rather than external modifications to an environment that allowed autistic individuals to be present in the space (e.g., the process of restructuring a classroom to allow autistic students to participate without acknowledging how that change made them feel). By nature of the search criteria, articles were excluded if they described non-autistic people interacting with autistic people because the focus was not on the autistic experience. Lastly, we only included English-language publications presenting original research (e.g., not reviews, commentaries). We excluded articles that analyzed data of adolescents together with individuals in other stages of their lives (e.g., childhood), articles that did not have autistic individuals compose at least half of their sample (e.g., the article looked at developmental disabilities broadly), articles that utilize only proxy-reported information on belonging (i.e., no self-reported information), articles that did not capture the internal feelings and experiences of autistic individuals regardless of the terminology used (e.g., the article title used “belonging” but the article does not share the lived experiences of the autistic participants through narratives or direct quotes), and articles that focused on outcomes of the absence of belonging (e.g., discussed negative outcomes of not belonging rather than what belonging is).

Reviewers searched the following databases in May 2023: Embase, PsycINFO, PubMed, Web of Science Core Collection, and Google Scholar (first 200 articles). We created search terms in collaboration with a librarian (Table 1). Different search terms were used across different search engines to maximize the benefit from using each search engine’s search categories or Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) headings. In total, we uploaded 345 references into EndNote. Reviewers were left with 221 articles after deleting duplicates. Two reviewers (Authors LG and NC) reviewed the title, abstract, and full text of the remaining articles, after which nine articles met inclusion criteria. We identified an additional 534 articles through searching the references of included articles. Reviewers did not identify any new articles for inclusion (Fig. 1). Of the nine included articles, five utilized qualitative methodologies, three articles utilized quantitative methodologies, and one article utilized mixed methodologies. We used the Cohen’s kappa statistic to code interrater agreement for reviewing articles against inclusion criteria, and reviewers achieved “almost perfect agreement” (k = 0.82; McHugh, 2012). Reviewers discussed disagreements until reaching consensus. We used inductive methods to interpret means and summaries of quantitative studies and themes identified in qualitative studies (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). See Fig. 2 for data collected from the reviewed articles. We used simple means and percentages to analyze demographic data. Due to the variety of quantitative measures with minimal overlap across reviewed studies, we summarized additional quantitative data specific to belonging based on existing literature, such as associations between social relationships and well-being, sources of social support, and time spent with others. Reviewers identified common themes shared by participants across studies by first reading and familiarizing ourselves with the articles and discussing points made in the articles that have the potential to be common themes. Then, we independently coded common themes. Next, we discussed consistencies and discrepancies in the initial coding and iteratively updated the coding scheme. Specifically, we used adolescents’ quotes to generate themes, paying particular attention to what was important to feel belonging. Reviewers finalized the coding scheme when they no longer made updates. We applied the final coding scheme to all articles (Table 2). Reviewers obtained “substantial agreement” (k = 0.71; McHugh, 2012) for their coding of qualitative themes.

Table 1 Search strategy by category and database
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Fig. 1
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Consort diagram

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Fig. 2
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Information extracted from each article

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Table 2 Coding structure with definitions and illustrative quotes
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Reflexivity and Trustworthiness

The reviewers completed coding using an anti-ableist framework by recognizing that disabled people are not “less than” non-disabled people and do not need “fixed” (Shakespeare, 2006; Woods, 2017), aligning with the belonging movement and social model of understanding autism. Specifically, the reviewers acknowledged that, according to the social model of disability, it is often the environment and society that limit an individual’s participation and involvement rather than the disability itself (Shakespeare, 2006). We used this lens to conceptualize the identified themes. However, the reviewers critically examined how their privileged identities influenced their anti-ableist perspectives. The reviewers discussed how disabled people have a range of different experiences when compared to other disabled people with both visible and invisible disabilities and non-disabled people. For example, they shared thoughts on their ability to effectively use and understand verbal and nonverbal communication compared to society’s expectations when interacting with others. Similarly, the reviewers also discussed the “double empathy problem”Footnote 2 (Crompton et al., 2021; Milton et al., 2022; Mitchell et al., 2021) and how it may affect both their non-autistic interpretation and the interpretations of the articles’ authors of the social interactions described by the autistic participants in the reviewed studies. Moreover, they also discussed the intersectionality of their identities in addition to disability, such as race, sexuality, and education opportunities, and how their experiences may influence the research. For example, the reviewers discussed individuals with visible identities, like race, may more frequently experience microaggressions, in contrast to individuals with less immediately visible identities, such as disability and sexuality, while acknowledging the significance of all these identities in shaping an individual’s sense of self and lived experiences.

Results

Demographic Information

In total, the nine studies represented 245 autistic adolescents. Two articles (Bailey et al., 2020; Casagrande et al., 2020) utilized the same sample of adolescents (n = 42) from a larger study; thus, we only accounted for one of these samples in the total number of adolescents represented in this review. While the mixed-methods study (Bailey et al., 2020) included the same 42 participants in quantitative analyses, a sub-sample of 20 adolescents participated in qualitative interviews. As a result, 177 adolescents provided quantitative data, and 88 adolescents provided qualitative data. One study (O’Connor et al., 2022) included 202 non-autistic adolescents as a comparison group for quantitative analyses. Additionally, we selected nine participants meeting our inclusion criteria from the overall samples (eight and 17 participants, respectively) of two studies (Mo et al., 2022; Tomfohrde et al., 2023), as data from the participants meeting inclusion criteria were analyzed separately from participants not meeting our inclusion criteria. The majority of participants were male (63.3%). Regarding race/ethnicity composition of the participants, most were White (77.0%) followed by Black/African American (4.4%) and Multiracial (3.5%). Lastly, the average age of participants across studies was 16.14 years (SD = 3.18). See Table 3 for more detailed demographic information organized by article.

Table 3 Reviewed demographic information by study
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Quantitative Evaluation of Components of Belonging

Considering quantitative findings, autistic adolescents reported spending most of their time engaging in solitary hobbies as opposed to with friends (on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 [never] to 5 [more than five times per week]: M = 4.21, SD = 1.05; Bailey et al., 2020). Although adolescents noted family, friends, extended relatives, and school personnel as forms of social support, they described immediate family to be the most beneficial form (on a 3-point scale from 1 [not helpful] to 3 [very helpful]: M = 2.56, SD = 0.63; Bailey et al., 2020). Adolescents also spent a moderate amount of time with friends (on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 [never] to 5 [more than five times per week]: M = 3.24, SD = 1.34; Bailey et al., 2020). However, a different study (O’Connor et al., 2022) found that autistic adolescents reported fewer positive friendship qualities characteristic of a sense of belonging than their non-autistic counterparts, such as security, companionship, mutual affection, and helpfulness (Q = 14.95, p = 0.001).

Autistic adolescents also reported school to be a source of connection, with adolescents spending a minimal to moderate amount of time participating in school clubs or organizations (on a 5-point Likert scale: M = 2.48, SD = 1.23; Bailey et al., 2020). A different study (Casagrande et al., 2020) found that school connectedness also contributed to well-being in college (ΔR2 = 0.358, p < 0.001) and explained variance in adolescents’ life satisfaction above and beyond the influence of autistic symptoms alone (ΔR2 = 0.046, p = 0.027), as both are measured by 7-point scales.

Bailey et al. (2020) found that well-being, in general, was positively correlated with social support (rs = 0.37, p = 0.017) and social connectedness (r = 0.67, p < 0.001). Regarding social participation, spending time with friends and well-being were positively associated (rs = 0.39, p = 0.011; Bailey et al., 2020). However, a different study (Greenspan et al., 2023) identified that social skills and well-being were negatively correlated (r(28) = − 0.38, p = 0.04), such that autistic adolescents with higher levels of social skills reported lower levels of well-being. When examining well-being in greater detail, autistic adolescents reported higher rates of anxiety (Q = 90.29, p = 0.001) and depression (Q = 12.37, p = 0.002) than non-autistic adolescents (O’Connor et al., 2022). Lastly, participant age and well-being were correlated (r = − 0.47, p = 0.008), suggesting that older adolescents reported lower levels of well-being (Bailey et al., 2020).

Qualitative Experiences of Belonging

Primary themes are denoted by section headers in the below section, while secondary themes are denoted by italics in the text under each header. Of note, section headers, indicating primary themes, are italicized to conform to required formatting guidelines and not to suggest that the primary themes are also secondary themes. Authors incorporated as much of the language used by the autistic participants in the reviewed studies, as the present review is designed to elevate autistic voices.

Meaning

A variety of factors were identified as being important for autistic adolescents to form deeper, meaningful connections. With respect to belonging to a community, autistic adolescents described preferring communities that respect their need for autonomy (Tesfaye et al., 2023). To feel a sense of belonging within a group, adolescents emphasized the importance of feeling respected. For example, one adolescent described respect to be the feeling of being listened to and heard (Miles et al., 2019). Autistic adolescents described that it was important for non-autistic adolescents and autistic adolescents to understand one another. Specifically, autistic adolescents expressed a desire for their non-autistic peers to understand the autistic individual’s value in the social interaction and general community, whereas autistic individuals reported gaining the understanding that they are “not the only one” with differences (Miles et al., 2019; Tesfaye et al., 2023; Tomfohrde et al., 2023). Additionally, autistic adolescents shared that acceptance of and support for their social differences are integral in belonging (Chapman et al., 2022; Miles et al., 2019). One adolescent shared, “It’s like wanting to be there and feeling that people want you to be there,” when elaborating on the importance of being welcomed and acknowledged by communities (Miles et al., 2019). Moreover, adolescents shared how supportive and sincere relationships that foster belonging often possess a bi-directional healing effect (Mo et al., 2022). They explained that finding a community of belonging allows them to embrace who they are as a person and come to terms with the discrimination they have experienced as an autistic person. This healing reportedly allows them to view themselves as someone with resources to contribute rather than feeling as if they are someone constantly asking for resources, accommodations, and support. Overall, autistic adolescents detailed how factors provide them with a sense of social security, such that they have people who genuinely care and support them, generating confidence and comfort in who they are (Miles et al., 2019).

Authenticity

Adolescents discussed the importance of being true to themselves and respecting their autistic identity. Specifically, autistic adolescents shared that the opportunity to be their authentic self allows for them to incorporate their own interpretation of autism and how they want their identity recognized on their own terms (Tesfaye et al., 2023). Adolescents also noted that this individualization affords them the opportunity to differentiate themselves from social or cultural pressures rather than conforming to others’ expectations. They shared that an authentic, integrated sense of self can then be discovered in their community and relationships (Mo et al., 2022). In other words, autistic adolescents detailed how they desire being accepted for who they are (Tesfaye et al., 2023). Authenticity, as exemplified by one adolescent, is “hav[ing] actually interesting conversations with people as opposed to just sticking to football… [or] something that I think the other person might enjoy” (Chapman et al., 2022). Another adolescent described feeling most connected “when I don’t have to, like, act, and we can just talk about similar things, or we can both, like, give pets cuddles, and sort of nice stuff like that” (Chapman et al., 2022).

Similarity

Autistic adolescents frequently associated the opportunity to develop meaningful social connections with settings where adolescents could meet people with similar interests. In one study that focused on the college setting (Bailey et al., 2020), the adolescents described college being the first time they had that many opportunities to meet people. This diversity of people ultimately allowed the adolescents to feel more integrated and supported. Autistic adolescents noted that forming connections with familiar people (e.g., family), people that were aware they were autistic, and people with similar interests led to comfort for them (Chapman et al., 2022; Mo et al., 2022; Tomfohrde et al., 2023).

Reciprocity

Multiple studies described the importance of reciprocal friendships and relationships to developing a sense of belonging. One adolescent recounted social situations where they were putting more effort into relationships than the people they were trying to befriend before finding a sense of belonging—“[It’s like] just throwing all those darts at the dart board so to speak and seeing if anything hit the bullseye. Which, thankfully, something did. But, it took a lot of effort on my part. It took a lot of effort” (Bailey et al., 2020). Reciprocity in a friendship includes a reciprocal understanding of each other (Tesfaye et al., 2023). When describing “true friends,” one adolescent noted, “They actually understand and just don’t not like me for my autism,” (Miles et al., 2019). Autistic adolescents disclosed how the presence of reciprocity in a sense of belonging allows for feelings of comfortability, closeness, and genuine support (Chapman et al., 2022).

Barriers

Adolescents across studies recounted societal influences that hindered their ability to find a sense of belonging in their broader community. Some individuals stated they felt “powerless” and “misunderstood” due to ostracism, stereotypes, and stigma obscuring how others perceived them (Chapman et al., 2022; Mo et al., 2022; Tesfaye et al., 2023). For example, autistic adolescents in one study (Mo et al., 2022) described common autism stereotypes including autism being a male diagnosis, autism being a visible diagnosis, and autism being synonymous with intellectual disability. One adolescent detailed, “‘Oh you’re not autistic because you have friends’ or ‘you can make eye contact’ or…they’re like ‘you don’t seem autistic’” (Mo et al., 2022). Additionally, adolescents felt they were perceived as “discourteous” or “unintelligent” because of autistic behaviors (e.g., inconsistently making eye contact or not recognizing nuanced social cues; Mo et al., 2022). Autistic adolescents noted how social stigma placed the expectation for them to conform to societal social norms, such as engaging in casual conversations or masking their preferred interests, if they want to develop lasting relationships (Tesfaye et al., 2023). Adolescents reported feeling the urge to “[put] on an act” to mask their autistic characteristics or hide them from others (Chapman et al., 2022). Another adolescent described,

…all that campaign… ‘Oh, it’s okay to be different’. But I feel like it comes with like hidden terms and conditions. Like ‘it’s okay to be different if we can meet your support needs’. Or ‘it’s okay to be different if we’re able to put in those accommodations’. Or ‘if you’re different in this way but not in that way’. Or ‘if you’re not too different’ (Mo et al., 2022).

Adolescents also described difficulties in finding belonging due to a variety of social influences in their daily interactions. Some adolescents noted they had difficulty experiencing a sense of belonging because of autism-specific communication differences. Even in nonverbal communication, autistic adolescents sometimes felt they were being treated as if they were “weird”—“They [non-autistic peers] didn’t ever say it, but it was like they wouldn’t interact with me in the same way” (Mo et al., 2022). Some autistic adolescents shared that this feeling of different treatment may be due to their non-autistic peers feeling like they “lack” the necessary social skills to maintain meaningful relationships (Bailey et al., 2020). For example, some non-autistic individuals noted that surface-level conversations were responsible for the lack of deep connections formed with autistic adolescents. One adolescent also detailed the importance of social cues in developing belonging, saying, “You don’t really understand all the little social cues or social nuances or little rules…figuring out all those little things and that was hard at first” (Bailey et al., 2020). Moreover, social expectations weighed heavily on autistic adolescents as they felt required to continually meet new people and engage in interactions with little time for privacy or alone time (Bailey et al., 2020; Miles et al., 2019). Adolescents also described that the unwritten and unspoken social communication norms negatively impacted them. One autistic, female adolescent shared, “I feel like there’s an expected kind of social etiquette that you have to follow…like the unwritten social rules of society…people are brought up into, and you’re kind of expected to adhere to them, but without being told, really, what they are” (Mo et al., 2022). Similarly, one adolescent noted the role intersecting identities has on belonging experiences. This adolescent described the intersection between her identity as neurodivergent in different socioeconomic settings—“I remember trying to act calm or normal in a posh, rich area…so like imagine this everyday person [referring to autistic characteristics], you know, you see them on the street. Now imagine them in a restaurant. A rich one. Just like being awkward with the handkerchief on his lap” (Chapman et al., 2022).

Discussion

We systematically reviewed the research literature examining autistic adolescents’ understanding and experiences with belonging. When quantified, autistic adolescents found a sense of belonging while engaging in their hobbies, friendships, social supports (e.g., family), and school. In several studies, social support and connectedness, which are characteristic of belonging, were correlated with overall well-being. Well-being was also correlated with time spent with friends, social skills, and age. Themes in describing experiences of belonging included meaning, authenticity, similarity, reciprocity, and barriers to belonging (Table 2). Adolescents reported meaning in belonging experiences when they felt autonomous, understood, respected, valued, accepted, supported, welcomed, and acknowledged in their social connections. Adolescents also described the need for both authenticity and similarity, which highlights their desire to be themselves and find connection and camaraderie with people who have similar interests. Specifically, it was important that autistic adolescents did not feel the need to pretend to match their peers’ interests. Reciprocity in their relationships was also important in developing deep social connections. Lastly, adolescents reported experiencing barriers to finding a sense of belonging that are outside of their control (e.g., social norms).

Interpreting Quantitative Findings of Belonging

Summarizing the various quantitative reports of belonging provides context to the qualitative results discussed below. Adolescence is characterized by transitions to more independence, and previous literature highlights the delay in achieving independence for autistic adolescents (Orben et al., 2020; Schall & McDonough, 2010). Autistic adolescents often encounter challenges in effectively navigating increasing levels of autonomy, which can subsequently impede their ability to apply previously acquired skills when making decisions among their peers (Hume et al., 2014). The current findings suggest that immediate family is often the most accessible form of support for autistic adolescents, especially as the adolescent ages. However, supporting children as they transition to adulthood, regardless of neurodiversity, can contribute to additional stress (Seltzer et al., 2010; Smith et al., 2010; Van Bourgondien et al., 2014). As such, supporting autistic adolescents in their search for communities of belonging not only benefits the adolescent but also their broader support system, suggesting that belonging has indirect implications for the entire family system.

Rejection and discrimination due to social differences likely contribute to our findings that autistic adolescents tend to have fewer positive friendship qualities that capture a sense of belonging (e.g., companionship, reciprocity, meaningful conversations) and prefer to engage in hobbies independently (Turnock et al., 2022). For example, an autistic adolescent with social differences may have difficulty forming deep, genuine connections with non-autistic peers (Jobe & White, 2007; Locke et al., 2010). The social feedback that autistic adolescents do not belong to the group can lead them to engage in solitary behaviors, such as completing recreation activities independently, which also leads to decreased exposure to social experiences and the opportunity to practice skills (Kasari & Sterling, 2013; Orsmond et al., 2013). This further conveys to the adolescent that they do not have a community of belonging given they do not have meaningful connections with others, perpetuating a negative cycle that isolates autistic adolescents.

Conversely, results support that spending time connecting with friends disrupts this negative cycle and improves well-being. We also found that well-being was correlated with social support and social connectedness, reflecting a close relationship between well-being and belonging that is also demonstrated in the literature (Guerin & McMenamin, 2018). Interestingly, one study found social skills to be negatively correlated with well-being. The negative correlation may be explained by previous literature that describes poorer outcomes for autistic individuals without an intellectual disability, as they may be impacted differently by this hidden disability. Greater awareness of their communication differences and greater effort to mask their autistic traits with better social skills and imitate non-autistic peers to follow social expectations may adversely affect the well-being of autistic adolescents without intellectual disability (Cremone et al., 2023). Likewise, the double empathy problem (Crompton et al., 2021; Mitchell et al., 2021) may also negatively affect their well-being because they recognize that both they are being misunderstood and they are misunderstanding others in social interactions.

Conceptualizing Qualitative Reports of Belonging

As society has pushed beyond inclusive environments towards communities of belonging, researchers have started to conceptualize belonging. However, autistic perspectives are not consistently considered in this process. Instead, qualitative findings from our review serve as a starting point of highlighting the first-hand experiences of autistic individuals. Autistic adolescents in the present review raised important factors that create a sense of belonging and meaning to social connections, including feeling autonomous, understood, respected, valued, accepted, supported, welcomed, and acknowledged. Similar to belonging guidelines established by Carter (2021) using a non-autistic perspective, adolescents also noted the importance of authenticity, similarity, and reciprocity. See Fig. 3 for a listed comparison of Carter’s guidelines compared to our results.

Fig. 3
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Comparing components of belonging

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In the majority of articles reviewed, adolescents described significant social and societal barriers to experiencing feelings of belonging. The high frequency with which autistic adolescents described barriers to belonging highlights the need to create spaces where autistic adolescents are respected for their authentic self while addressing any behaviors or difficulties that may be preventing them from reaching their personal goals. The focus of addressing behaviors or difficulties that interfere with the adolescent’s personal goals respects and acknowledges their individuality rather than encouraging them to hide their true self. For example, an autistic adolescent with the goal to make friends can still engage in self-soothing behaviors; however, the behaviors can be redirected to be safer if safety is a concern for the autistic individual, as opposed to eliminating these behaviors altogether. This respect for the individual may also result in emphasizing the intersectionality of autistic adolescents’ identities, especially in various cultural contexts, as finding communities of belonging may be even more challenging for autistic individuals that hold other marginalized identities (e.g., race, gender, sexuality; Mitter et al., 2019; Obeid et al., 2015; Turnock et al., 2022).

Additionally, respect may look like adjusting the current environment to consider the autistic adolescent’s needs. For example, conversation is important when attempting to make and maintain friendships. However, the task of holding conversations could be done in a setting that is comfortable (e.g., quiet space with dim lights) and involves a preferred interest of the adolescent (e.g., in a video game or book club). Adolescents could also be given the opportunity to practice conversation skills with people (e.g., family members, teachers) they are comfortable with and who can provide individualized and constructive feedback. Similarly, interventions designed to help autistic adolescents reach their goals (e.g., social-emotional learning, self-advocacy) can move towards a more accepting space that values individuality. For example, interventions can take a more neuroaffirming approach by proactively teaching belonging through providing instruction on how autistic adolescents can find friends that share their preferred interests (e.g., joining clubs that they are interested in) while also directly discussing important topics that may impact their sense of belonging, such as masking their interests or hiding their autistic characteristics. Interventions can also begin to consider including content that addresses belonging directly while developing skills for the adolescent to achieve their future goals (e.g., building friendships, obtaining a job). Most importantly, this review highlights that the sense of belonging is an internal feeling that has many different meanings to people and may be readily misinterpreted by outside perspectives, making it is necessary to continue educating society about autism and other disabilities and identities. Thus, it is crucial to work with diverse autistic adolescents (e.g., varying autism presentations, intellectual functioning, cultural identities) and include autistic perspectives when creating interventions for autistic individuals and community spaces where autistic individuals can pursue their goals, such as schools, workplaces, community centers, and recreation spaces.

Limitations

This study should be interpreted in the context of its limitations. Firstly, there is no universally understood definition of belonging that has been created by autistic individuals. The lack of clarity in what belonging represents and how it is distinct from inclusion resulted in different conceptualizations of belonging across studies. Similarly, the present review utilized the language of autistic participants as much as possible. While this is a strength in that themes are authentic to the autistic perspective, themes from this review may not map onto themes in the prior literature, including the broader belonging guidelines developed by Carter (2021). The novelty and gaps in belonging research also resulted in a small number of published studies, small sample sizes, and limited measure overlap across studies. The dearth of published studies created difficulty in directly comparing studies, such as quantitatively analyzing group differences or other demographic influences (e.g., race) on perceptions of belonging or comparing reliability statistics across studies. Due to small sample sizes, most studies did not display significant heterogeneity in their participants and may not be fully representative of the range of understanding and experiences of belonging on the autism spectrum. Previous research has noted the influence of identity intersectionality (e.g., disability, race, gender, sexuality) on experiences of belonging (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Carter, 2016; Doyle et al., 2022). However, studies in the current review had limited diversity in terms of race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and language, restricting our ability to understand the impact of intersectional identities on perceptions of belonging. Conversely, reviewed studies used a wide range of sex and gender categories (e.g., male versus female, cisgender versus transgender) making it difficult to consider these identities within such a small sample. Additionally, only one study in this review (Tesfaye et al., 2023) included minimally speaking, autistic adolescents by providing multiple communication methods for all participants (e.g., picture cards to represent words, communication devices). The experiences of these individuals are just as valuable as autistic adolescents who communicate verbally, as they likely face different challenges in finding belonging. However, linguistically diverse individuals are rarely welcomed into research. Moreover, all studies were conducted in the UK, USA, and Canada. Ableism and experiences of belonging may differ based on geographic region and societal or cultural contexts. Therefore, these results may not accurately capture the experiences of autistic adolescents in other countries. Similarly, many of the reviewed articles did not explicitly address the double empathy problem in their coding and analysis of data and the present review intentionally removed articles with negative conceptualizations of belonging (e.g., what belonging is not, what lack of belonging presents as), which may contribute to an ableist perspective or a perspective that does not capture the reciprocal nature of social interactions that involve at least two parties. Lastly, two articles (Bailey et al., 2020; Casagrande et al., 2020) utilized participants from the same study, possibly overrepresenting the experiences of these participants.

Conclusion

This systematic review identified quantitative outcomes related to belonging as well as qualitative components of belonging that are experienced by autistic adolescents. Autistic adolescents find belonging in a variety of environments, including hobbies, friendships, social support, and school. Belonging is closely related to well-being and has prominent influences on social and emotional outcomes. Notably, adolescents report needing meaning, authenticity, similarity, and reciprocity to combat barriers to finding a sense of belonging. Societal changes, such as anti-ableist, universally designed spaces, and social changes, such as open conversations normalizing and celebrating neurodiversity, are necessary for autistic adolescents to benefit from experiences of belonging. Future directions include further investigating the outcomes of experiencing a sense of belonging, how a sense of belonging is experienced by both autistic and non-autistic people concurrently, and how belonging relates to overall health, functioning, and well-being in adolescence and young adulthood.