Abstract
As evidenced in Western rich countries, Asia, and Latin America, lower fertility allows couples to invest more in each of their children’s schooling. This postulate is the key rationale of family planning policies in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, most studies on Africa have found no correlation or even a positive relationship between the number of children in a family and their educational attainment. These mixed results are usually explained by African family solidarity and resource transfers that might reduce pressures on household resources occasioned by many births as well as methodological problems that have afflicted much research on the region. Our study aims to assess the impact of family size on children’s schooling in Ouagadougou (capital of Burkina Faso), using a better measure of household budget constraints and taking into account the simultaneity of fertility and schooling decisions. In contrast to most prior studies on sub-Saharan Africa, we find a net negative effect of sibship size on the level of schooling achieved by children—one that grows stronger as they progress through the educational system.
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Data can be found online (www.isp.bf/OPO/).
The 2007 Loi d’orientation de l’éducation (Education Act) organized the educational system of Burkina Faso into five levels: kindergarten (lasting two to three years for children aged 3–6), primary school (lasting, in principle, six years for children aged 6–11), post-primary school (lasting four years for children aged 12–15), secondary school (lasting three years for children aged 16–18), and higher or university education (for which the theoretical admission age is 19). Kindergarten is not widespread and is the preserve of rich families, with only 10 % of eligible children enrolled in 2006 in the Center region that includes Ouagadougou. Before 2007, the official minimum age of admission to each level of education except kindergarten was one year higher than that currently in force. Because delays in initial enrolment and grade repetition are frequent, children are often older than the official age spans presented herein. Children cannot be admitted to primary school after age 9, and two grade repetitions are allowed in each educational cycle. Children who are likely to have attended primary school are thus typically at least 9 years old. Moreover, taking into account the various delays, children aged 14+ years are most likely to have attended post-primary; those aged 20+ years, to have attended secondary; and those aged 23+ years, to have completed secondary studies.
Essentially all prior studies on this topic that sought to address endogeneity used instrumental variables that concerned only the couple’s own fertility: twins, miscarriages, and sex of children born. Similarly, the instrumental variable that is used in our study (subfecundity) refers to the couple’s own fertility. Yet, child fostering is also endogenous, and the selective circulation of children is an entirely different matter. For fostered children, the selection problem is more than simply anticipating costs of children and child quality (schooling) in fertility decisions.
The way the question is asked in French, the second response clearly refers to biological inability to have more children. The third (other) response encompasses women, for example, who are planning to have additional births or who are divorced or widowed.
As noted earlier, the number of siblings is a time-varying variable: the number of siblings that existed when the child in question was of the age to access a given schooling level. To some extent, parents’ behaviors will seek to anticipate the future, and their child schooling behaviors and strategies may be influenced by longer-term family-building plans and thus by the ultimate number of children they hope to have. When the regressions are reestimated using the total number of siblings born by the time of the survey (a time-invariant variable) instead of the number that existed when the child was of the age to access a schooling level, the results were very similar (results are not shown but are available upon request).
There were 508 women who reported experiencing subfecundity problems, and 2,437 who reported not having experienced problems.
Due to the sampling methodology used by the two surveys, the merged data set consisted of just 205 women and their husbands, of whom 32 reported being subfecund. The 2010 BHS was addressed to 2,351 adults aged 15 or older, and the Demtrend-2012 survey covered 2,952 women aged 35–59 years residing in the Ouaga HDSS zones with at least one child surviving to age 3. Childhood self-rated health was captured by the following question: “During most of the first 15 years of your life, would you say your health was excellent, good or bad? 1. Excellent, 2. Good, 3. Bad.” Long-standing health problems in adulthood were captured by a dichotomous question as follows: “Do you have a disease or a health problem that has lasted six months or longer (long-standing)? 1. Yes, 0. No.” Adulthood self-rated health was captured by the question: “In general, how do you consider your health today? 1. Excellent, 2. Good, 3. Bad, 4. Very bad.” Obesity was captured by the body mass index (BMI)— the ratio between body weight (in kg) and height (in meters) squared—with obesity (=1) when BMI ≥ 30.
Because the estimated correlation of the disturbance terms in the ivprobit model for the schooling in early childhood (i.e., access to primary school) is statistically significant (see Table 4), we can assume that the OLS and IV coefficients for the educational attainment (which is a cumulative investment, including the schooling at primary school) are also statistically different.
Given that the estimated correlation of the disturbance terms in the ivprobit model is not statistically significant for the access to post-primary and secondary school, we cannot reject the null hypothesis that family size is exogenous. Thus, the OLS estimates from the simple probit model may be appropriate and have smaller standard errors, but the IV estimates from ivprobit are consistent. This suggests that although selective fertility is clearly evident in the primary school enrolment, where schooling costs are relatively low, there is little evidence of such selectivity at higher levels of schooling, which incur much higher costs.
Until 1985, the practice of modern contraception was illegal in Burkina Faso, subject to the Act of 1920 that prohibited the publicity and sale of contraceptive methods and products.
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The authors thank the William & Flora Hewlett Foundation, the Agence Française de Développement, the Agence Inter-établissements de Recherche Pour le Développement, and the Institut de Recherche Pour le Développement for their financial support of the data collection and analysis. We also thank the Ouagadougou Demtrend and the Ouaga HDSS teams for providing access to the data.
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Bougma, M., LeGrand, T.K. & Kobiané, JF. Fertility Decline and Child Schooling in Urban Settings of Burkina Faso. Demography 52, 281–313 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-014-0355-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-014-0355-0