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New Technology, Old Patterns: Fintech Lending, Metropolitan Segregation, and Subprime Credit

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Abstract

This research assesses the relationship between subprime lending rates among applicants to traditional and fintech mortgage lenders and metropolitan-level racial and ethnic segregation in the United States. Fintech—short for financial technology—mortgage lenders underwrite loans using all-online applications and proprietary machine learning underwriting algorithms that process unprecedented amounts of applicant data. While traditional lenders have long been associated with high rates of subprime lending in segregated metropolitan areas, it is unknown whether fintech lenders also exhibit this relationship. Using Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data from the nation’s 200 largest metropolitan areas in 2015–2017 and a series of binomial logistic regressions, I find the probability of an applicant receiving a subprime loan at both traditional and fintech lenders is positively associated with metropolitan area Black and Hispanic segregation. However, fintech lending is associated with significantly lower rates of subprime lending, relative to traditional lending, in metropolitan areas with high levels of Black segregation. This relationship holds true when analyzing both Black-white dissimilarity and Black isolation. Results related to white-Hispanic segregation are mixed. Fintech lenders are more likely than traditional lenders to originate subprime loans in metropolitan areas with high levels of white-Hispanic dissimilarity, but less likely as a metropolitan area’s Hispanic isolation increases. Findings suggest the structural forces connecting subprime lending to metropolitan segregation—especially Black segregation—have a weaker association with the fintech lending market than the traditional market, but still play a significant structural role in shaping fintech lending outcomes.

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Notes

  1. All applications missing at least one variable in the HMDA data set or missing one of the covariates described below are excluded. Additionally, in line with sampling procedures from prior research (Faber, 2018; Hwang et al., 2015) only first-lien, owner-occupied, home purchase loans for 1–4 unit residences are used. This allows applications in my sample to reflect the typical American home buyer as opposed to investors and those and refinancing existing mortgages.

  2. Core-based Statistical Areas (CBSAs) are urbanized areas containing either Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) or Micropolitan Statistical Areas. All CBSAs included in this study are centered on Metropolitan Statistical Areas (i.e. no Micropolitan Statistical Areas are used), which are defined as urbanized areas of at least 50,000 residents and the surrounding territories with a high degree of community ties. See https://www.census.gov/topics/housing/housing-patterns/about/core-based-statistical-areas.html for additional details.

  3. The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

  4. Past research (Bartlett et al., 2019; Haupert, 2020) has found little or no difference between fintech and traditional lenders in approval rates, and minimal evidence of racial disparities in approvals overall. Thus, I choose to focus on subprime lending, where applicant race, ethnicity, and spatial demographics continue to play an important role.

  5. The prime rate is not set by the Federal Reserve Bank, but is determined by individual banks who report their “base” or “reference” rate for many types of loans, including mortgages. See https://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/credit_12846.htm for additional details.

  6. In line with other HMDA-based nationwide studies of racial disparities in mortgage lending (e.g., Faber, 2018; Haupert, 2020) I exclude the HMDA-reported categories of American Indian or Alaskan Native and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, as the number of respondents reporting these racial identities is extremely small and substantially reduces the study’s sample size if included.

  7. Nonconventional loans such as those from the Veterans Administration (VA) or Fair Housing Administration (FHA) are included in order to maintain a nationally representative sample while controlling for their potential impact on interest rate assignment.

  8. To create this instrument, I draw a 50% random sample of my data set before removing denied applications, but otherwise cleaned to the specifications described here. The 50% sample is separated to avoid circularity issues in the calculations. Using this random sample, I estimate a binary logistic regression estimating the relationship between a loan being denied due to an applicant’s poor credit history and a series of applicant, loan, and neighborhood covariates. Then, using this model’s estimates, I create a new variable comprised of the predicted probability that each loan application in the 50% random sample would have been denied for poor credit history. I take the saved parameters of the regression and estimate the probability of denial for poor credit history in the remaining 50% of observations in the master data set then combine the two 50% subsamples.

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Correspondence to Tyler Haupert.

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Haupert, T. New Technology, Old Patterns: Fintech Lending, Metropolitan Segregation, and Subprime Credit. Race Soc Probl 14, 293–307 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12552-021-09353-0

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